The Myth of Yellow Infallibility

1. Imeldific jewelry.- When Marcos went into exile, did Cory Aquino's relatives and friends take from Malacañang seven (7) suitcases of Imelda's jewelry to be deposited in a doctor's house in Dasmariñas Village, Makati? Did only three (3) suitcases later surface to be deposited with the central bank? Did a relative of Cory Aquino commute between the Philippines and Hong Kong to have the Imeldific jewelries reset by a Hong Kong Milton Hotel jeweler to change their appearance? Didn't Cory Aquino admit on public TV that an Imeldific necklace ended up with her daughter Ballsy, but she supposedly told her to return it to Joker Arroyo? Didn't Joker Arroyo later say on TV that he doesn't remember Ballsy returning to him a necklace?

http://www.manilastandardtoday.com/insideOpinion.htm?f=2010/february/23/emiljurado.isx&d=2010/february/23

2. Romualdez companies.- Did Cory Aquino permit, during her first month in office, the transfer of the 38 companies owned by Marcos's brother-in-law, Kokoy Romualdez, to Aquino's own brother-in-law, Ricardo "Baby" Lopa? Weren't the assets of the Marcoses and the Romualdezes supposed to be sequestered by the new Aquino administration? Why were Kokoy Romualdez's 38 companies, worth billions of pesos, not turned over to the PCGG? How did Aquino come to decide by herself the questioned ownership of the companies without resorting to the Sandiganbayan?

http://www.mabuhayradio.com/sections/philippine-presidency/455-not-getting-mad-at-but-getting-even-with-tita-cory.html

Was Amalgamated Motors, which had a license to import British vehicles, among those taken over, and then later used to import Simba armored vehicles for the Armed Forces in 1992? Didn't the Army actually prefer the US V-150 over the British Simba?

http://www.mabuhayradio.com/sections/philippine-presidency/455-not-getting-mad-at-but-getting-even-with-tita-cory.html

http://www.timawa.net/forum/index.php?topic=5593.msg46289#msg46289

3. PLDT.- Did Cory Aquino order the transfer of the billion-dollar Philippine Long Distance Company, then controlled by the Marcoses, to her own Cojuangco nephews she claimed were illegally eased out by Marcos? If the controlling shares were ill-gotten, weren't they supposed to be sequestered by PCGG? Again how did Aquino come to decide on the ownership of the shares by herself without resorting to the Sandiganbayan?

http://www.mabuhayradio.com/sections/philippine-presidency/455-not-getting-mad-at-but-getting-even-with-tita-cory.html

4. PAL.- Did Cory Aquino approve in January 1992 the sale by GSIS of 67% of the stocks of the Philippine Air Lines (PAL) to an investment group headed by one of her Tanjuatco, and three Cojuangco, nephews? Did this sale result in a $300-million, or more, loss to GSIS? Is it true that Aquino's nephews did not have the money to pay for the airline stocks, so they borrowed the money from 3 government-owned banks to pay GSIS, using the PAL stocks as collateral?

http://www.mabuhayradio.com/sections/philippine-presidency/455-not-getting-mad-at-but-getting-even-with-tita-cory.html

5. Meralco.- Did Cory Aquino order the transfer of the controlling shares of Meralco, then controlled by the Marcoses, to Aquino's allies the Lopezes she claimed were forced to sell-out by Marcos? Did the Lopezes get back the shares without paying a single centavo? Didn't the Lopezes earlier seek a Marcos government bail-out since they could no longer pay Meralco's debts of about P100 million? If the assets were ill-gotten, why were the shares not sequestered by the PCGG? Didn't Joker Arroyo admit to media that Meralco was returned to the Lopezes based only on Cory Aquino's verbal instructions? How did Aquino come to decide by herself the alleged forcible sell-out without resorting to the courts? Did the Lopezes reciprocate Aquino's act of bypassing the courts by accommodating the Cojuangcos as their silent partners in Meralco?

Manila Times, 14 May 2008, Government still owns Meralco, Efren L. Danao.
Cecilio T. Arilio, Greed & Betrayal, pp. 109-116.

6. ABS-CBN.- Did Cory Aquino direct the transfer of the media network ABS-CBN, then controlled by the Marcos ally Roberto Benedicto, to Aquino's own allies the Lopezes she claimed were unlawfully eased out by Marcos? Again did the Lopezes get back the company without paying a single centavo? Why was the company not sequestered instead by the PCGG? How did Aquino come to decide by herself the alleged unlawful take-over of the company without resorting to the courts? Did the Lopezes reciprocate Aquino's act of bypassing the courts by accommodating the Cojuangcos as their silent partners in ABS-CBN?

Cecilio T. Arilio, Greed & Betrayal, pp. 109-116.

7. Hacienda Luisita.- Did Cory Aquino promulgate a “midnight decree”, just before she lost legislative powers as revolutionary President, that provided for the exemption of large estates from land reform through a stock option clause (EO 229)? Was the stock option exemption clause later adopted by the Aquino Congress? Did Aquino actually intend to exempt Hacienda Luisita from the beginning, while she exhorted all the other landowners to give up their lands for agrarian reform?

http://www.gmanews.tv/story/182195/corys-land-reform-legacy-to-test-noynoys-political-will

Did Jose Cojuangco, Sr., father of Cory Aquino, secure the transfer of Central Bank's international reserves to Manufacturer's Trust Company in New York, and obtain a loan from the GSIS, to finance his private acquisition of Hacienda Luisita in 1957? Didn't the government loan and assistance come with a condition to distribute the land to the farmers by 1967? Didn't the Cojuangcos refuse to distribute the land come 1967 by insisting on legal technicalities that there were no tenants at the hacienda? If the obligation to distribute were indeed void as argued by the Cojuangcos, doesn't that make the GSIS loan and Central Bank assistance unlawful for being without a public purpose?

http://www.gmanews.tv/story/181877/hacienda-luisitas-past-haunts-noynoys-future

After the Marcos government sued the Cojuangcos to compel the distribution, didn't Cory Aquino as the new President secure the dismissal of the case before the Court of Appeals in 1988, through the government's own motion to dismiss by promising that the hacienda will be distributed anyway under its agrarian reform program? Aren't the Cojuangcos still in possession of the hacienda until today continuing its long-standing resistance to compulsory distribution?

http://www.gmanews.tv/story/181877/hacienda-luisitas-past-haunts-noynoys-future

8. Garchitorena Land Scam.- Did Cory Aquino know about the fraudulent land deal from Father Joaquin Bernas about a month before it was exposed in Congress by Rep. Edcel Lagman, but chose to keep silent about it because it involved Romeo Santos, an associate of her brother Jose “Peping” Cojuangco, who played a key role in Aquino's campaign against Marcos in Bicol? Didn't the DAR under Secretary Philip Juico almost succeed in purchasing the 1,888-hectare Garchitorena estate in Camarines Sur from Sharp International Marketing for P62.7 million under CARP's Voluntary Offer to Sell (VOS) program, when Sharp acquired the same property as foreclosed asset from UCPB for only P3.8 million one year before? Did Romeo Santos finance the anomalous transaction by providing funds to Sharp president Alex Luna for the land purchase before trying to sell it to the government?

http://www.gmanews.tv/story/182211/the-garchitorena-land-scam

9. SCTEX Exit.- Did Cory Aquino personally lobby with Gloria Arroyo to construct at government expense an interchange along the Subic-Clark-Tarlac Expressway that led directly to a private road of Hacienda Luisita's Central Techno Park? Aren't companies that wish to have exits that lead directly to their private properties the ones to pay the government for these exits? Isn't this the practice in the South Luzon Expressway where private companies paid the PNCC for special “private” exits?

http://www.gmanews.tv/story/183665/the-sctex-issue

10. Hacienda Luisita Massacre.- Did 7 farmers actually die during the Hacienda Luisita massacre of November 2004, because Dinky Soliman insists that she saw only 2 dead bodies? After the massacre, were 6 more farmer supporters killed one by one from December 2004 through October 2005?

http://www.gmanews.tv/story/182537/who-were-the-7-who-died-in-the-luisita-massacre

http://www.gmanews.tv/story/183662/after-luisita-massacre-more-killings-linked-to-protest

Distrusting the System: On Ombudsman Merci Gutierrez' resignation

The resignation of Ombudsman Merceditas Gutierrez from her position has already made the news. This is all the more interesting since the resignation is made on the eve of the impeachment proceedings in the Senate.

Reactions from the internet has been mostly of relief, that Merci at least had the decency to spare the government and the public from the ills and pains of a protracted trial, to calls for PNoy to appoint a “better” Ombudsman.

My reaction is one of disappointment, not for her, or for the trial, but for the country. When forces of media and pure politics trump legal processes, can we still claim to be a bastion of democracy? When cynicism and distrust of the system is from those who have the means to wage a full-on legal defense, can ordinary citizens then still trust the system? This is not to say that I am in favor of Omb. Gutierrez, and that I believe her innocence. Her guilt or innocence is something to be established in a competent court, which never materialized in her case. Do note however, that in the articles of impeachment, the charges only constitute a lack of speed in acting on cases, and NEVER was there any charge accusing former Omb. Merceditas Gutierrez. She was slow, yes. But corrupt? Apparently it is not part of the accusations. See for yourself here.

What this ultimately entails is that the system is not working. The rule of law is nonexistent, and apparently, it is the rule of men- specifically, the rule of He Who Resides by the River- that prevails.

* * *

Some quarters theorize that with Merci gone, it is Chief Justice Corona next. PNoy promised to go after GMA, and ultimately, whatever legal actions to be taken against GMA will be ruled upon by the Supreme Court, thus it is imperative for PNoy’s agenda to win over the Supreme Court Justices. This is all the more concerning, as the Chief Justice has exercised his power to ask Malacanang to comment on EO 13. Blogger Pinoy Solutions even speculated that it is the power of the purse and the power of mass media that the Yellow Administration can wield to influence the Supreme Court Justices over to their cause.

My thought on this matter is one of repulsion. The Constitution directs the Supreme Court of the land to dispense justice fairly to all, without fear or favor. This is the reason why Lady Justice is depicted as blindfolded, for Justice should be applied equally to all, otherwise, to none at all. To even propose that the Supreme Court be swayed with the power of the purse and the pressure of the mass media is an affront to the concept of justice as it should function in a democracy.

President Noynoy should do well to stop politicizing everything and instead focus on economic solutions. This is not to say that GMA should be let off the hook, if indeed there is substantial evidence to institute proper criminal proceedings- but having the energies of the current administration focused on seeing GMA behind bars is such a waste of time and effort. Their energies should be better used in eradicating poverty and lifting up the general welfare of the people. What good is one former president jailed, if the rest of the country burns? This would show more and more that the system as it is running right now is not to be trusted, and if this continues to spiral, then I am afraid that it may lead to civil unrest, if not anarchy.

http://antipinoy.com/distrusting-the-system-on-ombudsman-merci-gutierrez%e2%80%99-resignation/

About the Author

lester2k1

I am a law student, BPO employee, amateur photographer, airsofter, wannabe surfer, and armchair political pundit, yearning for that one big chance to prove myself and my abilities, and hopefully, contribute to nation-building as well.

Shedding the Light of Truth on Current Philippine Realities: Recovering the Spirit of Dr. Jose Rizal's Noli Me Tangere: Rejecting Moral Corruption, Promoting Moral Virtue

Here's an interesting white paper circulating in the net. Curiously, it is dated February 22 (start date of the EDSA revolt), instead of say February 25 (end date of said revolt). This is pure speculation, but could the anonymous author be hinting at an unfinished revolution? DK


SHEDDING THE LIGHT OF TRUTH ON CURRENT PHILIPPINE REALITIES:
RECOVERING THE SPIRIT OF DR. JOSE RIZAL’S NOLI ME TANGERE:
REJECTING MORAL CORRUPTION, PROMOTING MORAL VIRTUE

February 22, 2011

The Social Cancer in Rizal’s Time and in Our Time

In 1886 our national hero Dr. José Rizal wrote his immortal Noli Me Tangere. In his introduction to the novel he affirmed that he aimed to raise a part of the veil covering the social cancer that was causing Philippine society to sink ever deeper into colonial bondage, ignorance, disease, and destitution. This social cancer was a pernicious socio-economic and political system that fed on the ignorance, incompetence, corruption, and hypocrisy of a critical mass of the Spanish colonialists and their native collaborators who ruled the Philippines at that time.

Today our country is in a similar situation. Under the rule of an administration that promised to take the path of righteousness and reform, our country and our people are suffering from a social cancer like that denounced by Rizal. Because of that social cancer, the life of ordinary Filipinos—the middle class and especially the poor--is not any better, and in fact is becoming more difficult and more dangerous. Even the rich are less and less secure in their persons and possessions.

Why have conditions in our country come to be this way? Things have become this way because the leaders of the political establishment who control the government of our country today are guilty of incompetence and corruption. Deceitfully concealed by ostentatious pronouncements dripping with hypocrisy, they unintentionally and unwillingly reveal their incompetence and corruption by their use of evasive discourse and inconsistent attempts an explanation.

This incompetence and corruption is not just in terms of specific areas of governance. It has gone to the point of wantonly manipulating the electoral institutions and processes which are the very foundation of the democratic way of life that our people have chosen, in order to maintain the illusion of a massive and uncontestable electoral mandate.

Incompetence of the Administration

The incumbent administration has revealed itself as incompetent. It gravely mishandled the Luneta hostage crisis of August 2010. Its bizarre moves in foreign affairs have unnecessarily offended Taiwan while earning the contempt of China. This administration is unable to contain the increasing incidence of crime that now kills and injures even the wealthy. It cannot capture high profile persons wanted by the law, who are just hiding within the country. In relation to the peace negotiations with extremist insurgent groups, it has granted them unwarranted concessions that have gravely weakened the negotiating position of the government. The recent capture of top CPP and NPA leaders was achieved by conscientious and competent elements within the AFP and the PNP, not because of, but rather in spite of the thrust of this administration’s policy in relation to the insurgencies.

The societal damage inflicted by the incompetence of the political establishment running the government is worsened by a mean, petty, self-righteous, and mentally dishonest attitude and mode of actuation, typically seen in their divisive treatment of the officer corps of the AFP and the PNP, and the intelligence community as well, reducing the effectiveness of these institutions. This mean, petty, dishonest, and self-righteous attitude is shown by their repudiating or dismantling of even the good policies and programs of past administrations, and attempting to take credit for some of the achievements of these past administrations.

Corruption of the Administration

This administration has shown itself to be corrupt, and with that corruption they are burdening our people with more hardship. This corruption is shown in many ways. One is the coddling of incompetent persons who were given high government positions, and when unable to perform up to standards, are retained in their positions or sent abroad for schooling in the knowledge and skills of the job they were appointed to. Foisting upon the people a government by improvisation, which spends the
people’s money to no good result, is indeed corruption. Then there is the rampant smuggling in major ports outside the Metro Manila. Its increasing the size of the graft-ridden pork barrel is of a piece with its other corrupt practices.

In addition, jueteng remains rampant as ever, and will soon be concealed under the guise of the so-called Loterya. This is not surprising since one of the high officials being coddled by the top person of this administration has been caught by the Senate dealing with a top jueteng magnate, after an attempt by a blatant lie to deny any such contact. Lately information has surfaced of public officials belonging to the ruling party engaging in illegal logging, often in collusion with insurgent forces,
ironically with the toleration of an administration that claims to have taken the righteous path.

There is also the matter of gifts of intimate personal favors and expensive cars. Receiving these is indeed corruption, as willy-nilly these will affect decisions on public policies and appointments. The moral culpability of receiving these favors and gifts forbidden by law is worsened by evasiveness and inconsistent explanations as to the real source and motive of these favors and gifts.

Moreover this administration, supposed to be a paragon of honesty, has appointed to head the COMELEC a person reputed to be one of the handful of most crooked election-fixing lawyers in this country. In one of his first public pronouncements this Chairman of the COMELEC made the unconscionable proposal to purchase the PCOS machines from Smartmatic, for an amount that COMELEC insiders describe as a huge overprice. One would think that when this self-righteous administration came to power, the days of tongpats were over, but obviously this is not the case.

The Administration and the Grave Crime of Manipulating the Electoral System

Arguably the most serious crime of this administration and its enablers is the manipulation—partly consummated, partly ongoing—of electoral institutions and processes. This crime strikes at the heart of the real democracy that the Filipino people aspire for. This administration is deliberately concealing the grave anomalies in the May 2010 elections, to convey the impression that it has an indisputable, massive, or landslide mandate. It is moving to put the COMELEC under its control through the appointment as Chairman or Commissioners of persons who are tainted by corruption or are unsuitable because of partisan connections with the appointing authority.

This administration’s manipulation of the electoral system has prominent elements of disrespect for the rule of law. Take for example its silence and inaction in the face of grave violations of election laws by the COMELEC, pointed out in clear and vehement terms by prominent members of the information and communications technology community and of civil society, and even by some well-known pro-administration figures. The consummated manipulation of the electoral system, in large part perpetrated electronically on a massive scale, with at least the acquiescence of the present administration, is an ethical enormity that dwarfs the evil of the “Hello, Garci” episode, because it allowed and will allow fraud on a gigantic scale and in a manner difficult to detect and even more difficult to rectify by the vast majority of ordinary citizens who are unacquainted with information and communications technology and the nefarious workings of many COMELEC officials.

Moral Corruption and Hypocrisy of the Present Administration

Perhaps the most lamentable fault of this administration, reminiscent of the Pharisees of biblical notoriety, is hypocrisy. This administration has deliberately cultivated a pretended image of personal honesty, integrity, and competence, while concealing much dishonesty, corruption, and incompetence. It has become very much like the whitened sepulchers castigated in the Bible. This concealment is in some cases abetted, in other cases unknowingly aided, by media outlets and practitioners. Some of the latter are complicit in deceit, others are mesmerized by the illusion of virtue projected by the regime, and still others are insufficiently informed.

The Catholic bishops of the Philippines, in a pastoral letter issued last January 30, 2011, rightly condemned “moral corruption,” in the sense of gross disrespect toward authentic human values and Filipino cultural values regarding human life. The present administration, elected on a promise of righteousness, of reform, of putting an end to corruption, is also guilty of a related form of moral corruption, of which hypocrisy is the characteristic feature. This hypocrisy is being acted out by this administration in many ways, including its biased and prejudiced choices of issues and persons to be investigated and prosecuted, on one hand, and to be concealed and protected, on the other hand.

The Present Administration Is Not Delivering on Its Promises

This early in its term, this administration shows clear signs that it cannot deliver on the promise of rooting out corruption and relieving the people of penury and hardship. What this administration is bringing about is mediocre and therefore insufficient aggregate economic growth, deteriorating socio-political conditions, worsening lawlessness, and increased insurgent recruitment and activity.

Under this administration we cannot expect the country to attain economic takeoff toward well-distributed national prosperity. Nor can we expect the country to advance toward attaining our basic securities—such as defense, internal security, food, water, energy--as a nation. Our national life will become even more degraded, for hypocrisy is now added to misgovernment, thus delaying insight and indignation on the part of the citizenry, while more damage is done to our nation. This dangerous trend of events will continue until the time when a critical mass of our citizenry discover that indeed this administration feeds on the social cancer that is draining away the strength and life of our country. God forbid that by that time our citizenry awaken to the harm perpetrated by the incumbent administration, the damage to our country’s viability and prospects for prosperity would be irreversible.

So that Our Nation May Have Abundant Life--Tearing Off the Veil of Hypocrisy and Taking the Road of Sincerity and Truthfulness

As Dr. Jose Rizal did in his own time, let us tear off the veil of this hypocrisy concealing the evils inflicted on our nation, and expose the cancer that gnaws at the vital organs of our society. Let us unite to perform the radical surgery that will excise this social cancer and to begin the restoration of our country’s collective and societal health. It is time that we put an end to the moral corruption of the political establishment. It is time that we inform the public of the real situation of our country and the truth of the public issues being debated in Philippine society today.

Let us accompany our people as they take the road of sincerity and truthfulness, the road that will bring prosperity, health, and education to our nation. Let us rid ourselves of the present death-dealing system, and make our own a kind of politics and governance that works for the common good and therefore gives abundant life to our people . Together let us vigorously promote the honesty, creativity, competence, and perseverance that can instill enthusiasm, discipline, and a strong and deep sense of nation among our people.

For our survival as a nation, for the good of our families and friends, for the future of prosperity and honor that our people deserve, by all means let us end moral corruption by removing the leaders who embody and perpetuate the present system. But more important than that, let us unite to propagate moral virtue by working for a change of system, not just a change of leaders.

Let our united pursuit of justice, truth, and integrity be authentic because we carry out this task comprehensively, and without unwarranted bias and without prejudice. Let us unite in working to carry out thoroughgoing reform not by negative moves rendered harmful by self-aggrandizing grandstanding, but rather by positive and productive moves that while correctly insisting on individual responsibility, nevertheless emphasize institutional and systemic change.

By empowering the marginalized majority of our people, let us help bring about a situation of equal societal power to all citizens. In this way we will carry out a social revolution that will establish and consolidate an authentic democracy—one in which all citizens enjoy formal equality under the law rendered effective for the common good by equality of real societal power.

In sum, let us unite for a Philippines whose people and society are free, prosperous, healthy, educated, and respected in the community of nations.

The next revolution

CTALK By Cito Beltran
(The Philippine Star) Updated February 25, 2011 12:00 AM

Today a privileged few will be celebrating and commemorating their revolution and their recurring victory. Once again “they” are the “bidas” and heroes of a struggle that millions of Filipinos mounted, but benefitted only the rich and now the powerful.

Yes, even these rich and now powerful people suffered. Yes they lost loved ones, and yes they were all direct victims of a dictatorship gone wrong. But so were millions more, many of us choosing to silently remember significant days of fear, oppression, repression alongside our personal victories and answered prayers.

Under the dictatorship, no one had an exclusive on pain and suffering. Most, if not all Filipinos suffered, we just never talk about it. What separates the ordinary Filipinos from today’s recycled heroes and bidas is that the latter all come from the same class of people that their enemies come from.

They all come from the same circle of politicians or politics, they are products of the same or like-minded educational institutions, they mingle in the same social circle and at the end of the day, while they may fight over power and influence, they all have the same agendas and interests to protect.

Now that the same heroes and bidas have successfully removed their second set of enemies, they are back for a second shot at personal glory or, God forbid, a second chance at personal gain.

Sadly, the rest of the country’s ordinary Filipinos continue to suffer and all the efforts of reviving and regaling about a revolution long over, is like playing a broken record over and over.

Maybe it was the congressional confirmation that “WE” are now paying the highest electric bills in the whole world, that put me in such a foul mood, or perhaps it was the self serving act of Congressmen who divided among themselves the bounty called “Road Users tax” the same way Somali pirates divide ransom money for captured cargo ships.

Or perhaps, it’s the ill effect of travelling around the country particularly in Mindanao where I repeatedly discovered governors, mayors and even small time councilors and barangay officials running local governments like their family business.

While Senators and Congressmen are loudly investigating cases of AFP corruption that happened six or seven years ago, no legislator or official in this administration has dared to investigate local officials who own malls, fastfood franchises, commercial properties and mansions just like the one owned by the Ampatuans in Davao.

Who in Congress or the government has undertaken a financial audit of LGUs and officials who recklessly borrow hundreds of millions from banks in order to fund ill-conceived development plans to insure their political future?

Is there a law, and has it ever been used to fine or imprison elected officials who take hundreds of millions in high-risk loans only to leave the problem behind for the next administration to pay?

Political experts tell me that no Senator and especially no Congressman would ever dare to question governors and mayors about their exorbitant or ostentatious construction or development projects for fear of losing votes.

As an example, if the Maguindanao massacre had not taken place, the Ampatuans could have carried on running their province as a family business, the same way several politicians and political families have been doing so, unnoticed and unchallenged.

It is interesting to note that Senators and Congressmen went after the pharmaceutical companies like a lynch mob and succeeded to cut their profits by 50 percent, all in the name of helping poor Filipinos. But now that Congress has been told officially that the Philippines has the highest residential electricity rate in the world, will they actually go after power firms?

I doubt it. Just ask whom among our Senators and Congressmen own shares of stocks in power firms and exactly how many million or hundred million pesos worth do they own? Of course some of them acquired their shares by way of compensation for legal services. Some purchased them legally prior to becoming members of Congress.

But regardless of how they acquired their shares, can we actually expect them to kill the goose that lays their golden eggs?

Can we expect the rich and the powerful to patriotically lead the real revolution we need to have today? Can we expect them to lead the fight against another form of dictatorship that many of them are part of? Can we plead for them to step down as economic dictators and dismantle their dictatorship over a nation buried in poverty? Of course not!

Ultimately, we will need a new revolution in the Philippines. It won’t be a political one just like all the other picnic-revolutions we have seen on EDSA.

Just like the “social media” revolts have overwhelmed monarchies and dictatorships in the Middle East, we will see a similar revolution in our nation. It won’t be against “government” and it won’t be political in nature.

What we will see will be a consumer-based revolution alongside a revolution of the electorate that will target specific politicians. We will find pocket wars against businesses such as power firms and their political or politician-share holders. Eventually, competition or resentment within the business community will fuel information wars against local government officials who have abused their power and their position.

Unlike our aging cynics or economic dictators, the new generation of young Filipinos are one with their fellow “NETizens”. They will share, they will Tweet, and they will inform the WORLD about the current dictators in the Philippines.

But unlike the four-lane highway that we know as EDSA, the next revolution in the Philippines will be on the electronic highway of the world.

* * *

Elite Triad Blocking Reform

ELITE TRIAD BLOCKING REFORM

Introduction

At the turn of the twentieth century, our country gleamed of promise. Having established the first albeit short-lived republic in Asia, the country attained unprecedented human development during the years leading to the Commonwealth era.

Now at the turn of the twenty-first century, the promise remains unfulfilled. There are even those who warn us that we are regressing to a failed state.

Having survived a world war, faced off unending communist and separatist rebellions, embraced democracy, experienced dictatorship, and born of two people's power revolutions, we would have learned the lessons necessary to succeed as a nation. Sadly, we have not. By imagining what we could have become, and looking at what we are now, we have indeed failed to fulfill the promise.

How and why did we fail as a nation? What are the causes of our failure?

Some say the causes are cultural. Others say the causes are structural. In a sense, they are both correct. These causes are interdependent, rather than independent. Everything is integrated, and nothing isolated.i To see one but not the other is like a man with one leg. He can stand and hop, but he cannot walk nor run.

Due to various limitations however, I will write about the structural causes only. Let others more knowledgeable on these matters write about the cultural causes, as well as the interplay between them.

Status Quo Ante

When our forefathers established Asia's first republic, they adopted the unicameral parliamentary system.ii They chose this model free from any pressure from the first colonizer Spain.

When their successors established the Philippine Commonwealth, they adopted the bicameral presidential system.iii They evidently chose this model under the guidance of the second colonizer the US.

Ostensibly, the Philippine bicameral presidential system copied the American model, laden with repetitive check and balance provisions. On closer scrutiny however, it was worse.

Firstly, the president was elected directly at large (PH), and not indirectly by an electoral college of local representatives (US). Secondly, the senators were elected in similar manner (PH), and not from the localities (US). Thirdly, the commonwealth constitution imposed nationality requirements on strategic economic activities (PH), while the mother constitution carried no economic restrictions whatsoever (US).

The presidential and senatorial elections were skewed in favor of the elite few. They were obviously the only citizens anywhere capable of conducting or financing nationwide electoral campaigns.

The economic restrictions appeared ironic. I thought the great strides in human development then were due largely to massive foreign (American) investments in infrastructure and education.

Notably, during the past 75 years, national elections at large had been dominated by rich and famous candidates. Rich candidates are those who could afford to spend millions (now billions) to make themselves known to the voters. Famous candidates are the entertainment, sports and media celebrities who are already known to the voters. Thus, election to public office was based on pure popularity without regard to actual performance.

In this milieu, the oligarchy - comprised of a few closely knit and immensely affluent families - managed to exert strong influence over our national politics and economy.

During the last 25 years, an Elite Triad has emerged to preserve and protect the status quo of unjust social structures. In their present form, they have evolved to become the new enemies of genuine reform.

Elite Triad

What and who is the Elite Triad?

The Elite Triad is a union of local and foreign vested interests. It is comprised of the Kamag-anak, Inc. (KG), the Kapamilya, Inc. (KP) and The Company, Inc. (CI).

KG and KP are large enterprises with holdings in mass media, public utilities and agriculture. As their names imply, they are family based.

The CI is a foreign government institution with a global network. Created for licit intelligence gathering, it is widely known to engage in illicit foreign intervention.iv

The Elite Triad successfully blocked constitutional reform during the FVR, Erap and GMA administrations. The strategy was simple and effective. On one hand, they demonized the main proponents by portraying the move as a power grab or a sell-out. On the other hand, they pacified the advocates with false sympathy by pretending that their opposition was only about timing.

In hindsight, the Elite Triad opposed all constitutional reform, whether limited to certain sections (i.e. term limits under FVR) or articles (i.e. economic provisions under Erap; sub-state for Muslims under GMAv), or encompassing the entire constitution (i.e. Con-Comm under GMA). The mode was not important, whether by people's initiative (under FVRvi and GMAvii), constituent assembly (under Erap and GMA), or constitutional convention (under GMA). What was important was to ensure that no proposed amendment whatsoever was put to a vote by the people.

The Elite Triad also played a key role in the election of Noynoy as president,viii courtesy of Smartmatic's PCOS technology. Why did it support Noynoy? It's obviously because Noynoy, being a clone of his mother Cory, has always opposed constitutional reform in whatever form.

What is the agenda of the Elite Triad?

It is both economic and political, local and regional.

Elite Triad's Economic agenda

Local agenda

The economic agenda of KG and KP is to ensure that local consumers remain the captive market of local monopolists. This is done by protecting Filipino business interests against potential foreign competitors in strategic industries. The protectionist measures ordinarily come in the form of constitutional or statutory prohibitions against the entry of competing foreign investors. For example, the 1987 Constitution requires a minimum 60% Filipino equity requirement for public utilitiesix and agricultural land,x and a full 100% Filipino equity for mass media.xi

With these protectionist clauses in mind, did you ever ask yourself how many among the 90 million Filipinos are financially capable of owning 60% of a public utility (like Meralco, PLDT and Globe), or 100% of a television and radio network or broadsheet (like ABS-CBN, DZMM, PDI and Philstar)?

Incidentally, the 1987 Constitution also requires a minimum 70% Filipino equity for advertising companies.xii I could not understand then why the so-called Cory-Bernas Constitution would digress from previous constitutions and henceforth treat advertising as a strategic industry. I always thought advertising was mainly for commercial and non-political purposes. It would be totally different however if what the framers had in mind was advertising for political and non-commercial purposes. Ad agencies here can work to mold public opinion for or against elective candidates, destabilize government administrations, influence government policies and muddle national issues.

In passing, they probably forgot to impose Filipino equity requirements on survey firms (like SWS and Pulse Asia). As we now know, survey firms are also powerful tools in molding public opinion, when used in conjunction with mass media, under the over-all direction of an ad agency.

In both state and private universities, professors (who do not know any better) implant in the minds of their students the concept that Filipino business interest is synonymous with national interest. This is of course foolish.

In reality the opposite is true. By preventing the entry of foreign investors into the local economy, you actually prevent the creation of jobs, as well as the supply of competing goods. These protectionist measures ironically deprive Filipino workers and consumers, of alternative job opportunities and of lower priced or better quality goods.

In post-graduate schools on business administration, students are taught that there is a divergence between the economic interests of the enterprise owners vis-a-vis the enterprise managers.xiii By analogy, there is a similar divergence between the economic interests of the enterprise owners and the enterprise workers.xiv By further correlation, there is obviously a great divergence between the economic interests of the enterprise owners and the buyers of their goods and services.

The conclusion is inescapable – Filipino business interest is NOT synonymous with Filipino national interest.

Is it not better for a Filipino bread winner to simply work for a foreign company in the country, than to work overseas also under a foreign employer but in a foreign land and under a foreign government? This way the bread winner does not have to leave his or her family for long periods of time.

Does not the principle of social justice say that those who have less in life should have more in law?xv Why does constitution give more protection to the Filipino businessmen, at the expense of the Filipino workers and consumers who have less in life? In many cases (such as public utilities, mass media, plantation farms and universities), the protected class are billionaire businessmen.

Another perplexing rule is the restriction of foreign investments in education.xvi Is state regulation of educational institutions not sufficient to safeguard the national interest?xvii Are not all educational institutions required to adopt the standard government approved curriculum anyway regardless of ownership? Why prevent foreign investors from investing in new classrooms and introducing modern teaching methods? Do not Filipinos themselves seek higher education abroad to improve their educational attainment? Why not invite these foreign schools instead to teach students here in the country? I thought that the perennial shortage of classrooms was conclusive proof that we have an extreme shortage of investments in the education sector.

Still another mind boggling rule is the bar against foreign investors from exploiting oil and other natural resources in the Philippines, unless they first enter into a joint venture with Filipino businessmen.xviii Does not the state own all natural resources under the doctrine of jura regalia?xix Does the state really need the inter-mediation of a Filipino businessman, who is practically just a middleman, before it can enter into a contract with a foreign company? Cannot the state just dispense with the Filipino middleman, who in most if not all cases anyway has neither the technology nor capital to undertake this type of activity?

Foreign agenda

The economic agenda of the CI is more nebulous. Some say it simply wants to defer the commercial exploitation of natural resources throughout the archipelago until 2020, because that is when their current production will start to fall.

How I wish I could validate this disturbing theory, but unfortunately I could not.

I recall however the media instigated controversy about a projected oil venture in the Spratleys involving the Philippines, Vietnam and China. The venture provoked loud expressions of displeasure by the US, and awakened its sleeper agents both inside and outside of the Philippine government.xx

I also recall that the US reaction perplexed the chief executive of PNOC-EDC. I believe he said that they offered the project first to the US. However, they were not interested. Curiously, when he turned to the Chinese and Vietnamese, the US protested.

Do we really have to wait for the US until 2020 before we can start to explore and exploit our oil resources in the Spratleys?

Elite Triad's Political agenda

The political agenda of the Elite Triad is two-fold. The first is to ensure control or strong influence over the selection process for key national government officials. The second is to keep government weak and incapable of introducing changes to the status quo of unjust social structures.

Control or strong influence in the selection of key national government officials is done through the adoption and continuance of nationwide elections at large as the preferred mode of selecting the president and the senators.xxi These officials represent control of the entire executive branch and half of the legislative branch.

The chosen electoral process is combined with ownership and control of national mass media.xxii Recently, the control of mass media has been complemented by ownership, control or influence over the leading survey firms.

All these factors together complete the apparatus of control over the national agenda. The Elite Triad decides what issues are discussed and what are not. Of course, the Elite Triad also decides who is good and who is evil.

Keeping government weak and incapable of challenging the present social order is done in two measures. The first is to separate the executive branch from the legislative branch.xxiii This measure makes for institutional gridlocks between the separated political branches and turns them against each other. The second is to divide the legislative branch into two separate chambers.xxiv This measure also makes for institutional gridlocks between the separated chambers and likewise turns them against each other.

In contrast, under a unicameral parliamentary system, the executive and legislative branches are combined under the parliament, and the parliament in turn is comprised of only one chamber.xxv This is definitely a much stronger government system, capable of putting in check the all powerful Elite Triad itself.

Only a monarchy or a military dictatorship would be stronger than a unicameral parliament. Neither system however is acceptable to the people today.

Perpetuation of Status Quo

To ensure the perpetuation of the unjust social structures, the highest law of the land adopted the most restrictive sovereignty provisions for amending the constitution.

Thus, the 1987 Constitution requires the affirmative vote of three-fourths of all its members to directly propose amendments,xxvi two-thirds of all the members of Congress to call a constitution convention,xxvii and the petition of at least twelve percent (12%) of the total number of registered voters, of which every legislative district must be represented by at least three percent (3%) of the registered voters therein, to likewise directly propose amendments through initiative.xxviii

Considering the prevailing government structures where the political branches are separatedxxix and bifurcatedxxx thereby turning them against each other, the manner of selecting the president and the senators skewed in favor of the elite few, taken in relation to the country's fairly large voter base of more than 50 millionxxxi out of a citizen population of more than 90 million,xxxii the mere act of proposing amendments to the constitution has become virtually impossible.

This is apparently the best way to undermine the people's sovereignty and subvert democracy.xxxiii You prevent the conduct of any plebiscite on proposed changes to the constitution, by simply preventing anyone from proposing changes. We can debate all we want provided we cannot vote on it. That is democracy as far as the Elite Triad is concerned.

By comparison, the mother constitution of the US requires only a two-thirds vote by both Houses to directly propose amendments.xxxiv

IEC social tool

For this writing, we may define the concept of Information, Education and Communications (IEC) as a process of engaging people, using various modes of communication, to disseminate information and impart knowledge, for the purpose of changing their behavior.

As a social tool, IEC may be used to promote the general welfare of the people (i.e. health, poverty alleviation, environmental protection, etc.). At the other end however, it may also be used to manipulate the minds of the people, subvert their democracy and violate their sovereignty.

Where the IEC is used in a negative way, the preferred method of manipulation is to “poison the channels of public information.”xxxv

In pursuit of a specific regime change objective, IEC may be directed to vilify the incumbent administration, erode the people's trust and confidence in government, and mobilize support for its ouster and replacement by a friendly regime.

The vilification generally consists of charges of corruption and human rights violations. The evidence or truthfulness of the charges are immaterial. The only thing material is that the charges stick in the minds of the people.

During the recent regime change operation of the Elite Triad against the GMA administration, the IEC focused on questioning the legitimacy of her government by alleging massive cheating during the 2004 elections.xxxvi Foreign intervention became so blatant in that US Embassy Chargé d’Affaires Joseph Mussomeli openly praised to high heavens the mutinous Hyatt 10 while being interviewed by ANC 21 of ABS-CBN at the height of the crisis.xxxvii This is what we now know as the Garci tape scandal.xxxviii

Looking back, this IEC operation largely succeeded in vilifying GMA before the local and overseas populace, eroding the people's support for her government. However, it failed to produce the desired regime change to oust her from office.

A source from media opined that this IEC campaign against GMA cost the Elite Triad at least 10 billion pesos during the period of 2005-2010. I thought the actual figure was much higher. The estimate given sounds more like the high end cost of a presidential campaign. The IEC for regime change extended for a period much longer than the usual presidential campaign.

I presume the Elite Triad also poured funds and resources to instigate and finance the various coup attempts against GMA, none of which however came close to the intensity of the December 1989 coup against Cory Aquino.

IEC for constitutional reform

In a positive way, the IEC may also be used to pursue constitutional reform.

Based however on the frustrating experience of the advocates during the last 25 years, it is clear that the IEC cannot be limited to the mere communication of the merits of constitutional reform.

Why?

It is because the Elite Triad does not play fair. It plays dirty.

Apart from the basic IEC focusing on the merits of shifting to a unicameral parliamentary system and lifting restrictions on foreign investments in strategic industries, the advocates will also need to counter the dirty tricks of the Elite Triad.

As a citizen advocate for reform, I am not saying that we need to activate our own dirty tricks department. What I am saying is that we also need to exert a major major effort to counter the lies of the Elite Triad with the truth, the whole truth and nothing but the truth.

With this in mind, I offer another meaning for IEC:

I – identify the key players and affiliated groups of the Elite Triad, particularly those in media and the academe, so the people may recognize the false prophets in their midst.

E – expose the vested interests and anomalous transactions of the Elite Triad, particularly the affiliate transactions of plunder proportions during the first Aquino administration,xxxix so the people may be cautious of the wolves in sheep's clothing.

C – call on the people to unite and reject the lies and pretenses of the Elite Triad, because no one else will protect the people's interests except the people themselves.

I am not saying that we do an Osama Bin Laden. What I am saying is that we do a Mahatma Gandhi. We must take peaceful, non-violent and concerted action to resist and reject the Elite Triad.

The ultimate objective will be to degrade the capability of the Elite Triad to dominate our politics and economy. At that point, they may continue to engage our people and the state, but no longer from a dominant position of control and influence.

Mabuhay,

Dodong aka Ka Kiko
30 November 2010

i See Orion Perez Dumdum, Philippine Progress: Shift in Sports, Shift in System, 07 July 2010, http://antipinoy.com/philippineprogress.

ii Demosthenes B. Donato, Proposed Amendments to the 1987 Constitution and the Malolos Constitution of 1899, http://www.deszr.com/download/ideszr.proposed_amendments_to_the_1987_constitution_and_the_malolos_constitution_of_1899.pdf.

iii 1935 Constitution of the Republic of the Philippines, Articles VI-VIII.

iv Carmen N. Pedrosa, The story within the story, Philippine Star, 07 September 2008, http://dodongakakakiko.blogspot.com/2009/07/story-within-story.html.

v Demosthenes B. Donato, Comments on the GRP-MILF Peace Process, Rev. 11 March 2010, http://www.deszr.com/download/ideszr.comments_on_the_grp-milf_peace_process.01_december_2008.rev11_march_2010.pdf.

vi Santiago v. Comelec, G.R. No. 127325, 19 March 1997, http://sc.judiciary.gov.ph/jurisprudence/1997/mar1997/127325.htm.

vii Lambino v. Comelec, G.R. Nos. 174153 and 174299, Decision, 25 October 2006, available at http://www.deszr.com/download/ideszr.lambino_v_comelec.decision.25_october_2006.pdf. Lambino v. Comelec, G.R. Nos. 174153 and 174299, Resolution, 21 November 2006, available at http://www.deszr.com/download/ideszr.lambino_v_comelec.resolution.21_november_2006.pdf. Lambino v. Comelec, G.R. Nos. 174153 and 174299, Resolution, 16 January 2007, available at http://www.deszr.com/download/ideszr.lambino_v_comelec.resolution.16_january_2007.pdf. Lambino v. Comelec, G.R. Nos. 174153 and 174299, Letter, 05 February 2007, available at http://www.deszr.com/download/ideszr.lambino_v_comelec.letter.05_february_2007.pdf.

viii Carmen N. Pedrosa, Pieces of a Puzzle, Philippine Star, 12 September 2009, http://dodongakakakiko.blogspot.com/2009/09/yellow-revolution-in-2010.html.

ix 1987 Constitution, Article XII National Economy and Patrimony, Sec. 11.

x See 1987 Constitution, Article XII National Economy and Patrimony, Secs. 2, 3, and 7.

xi 1987 Constitution, Article XVI General Provisions, Sec. 11(1).

xii 1987 Constitution, Article XVI General Provisions, Sec. 11(2).

xiii Meckling, William H. and Jensen, Michael C., Theory of the Firm: Managerial Behavior, Agency Costs and Ownership Structure (July 1, 1976).

xiv Demosthenes B. Donato, Draft Bill – Profit Sharing and Stock Options, Rev. 2008,
http://www.deszr.com/download/ideszr.draft_bill.profit_sharing_&_stock_options.2001.pdf. Explanatory Note –
Profit Sharing and Stock Options, Rev. 2008,
http://www.deszr.com/download/ideszr.draft_bill.profit_sharing_&_stock_options.2001.explanatory_note.pdf.

xv 1987 Constitution, Article II Declaration of Principles and State Policies, Sec. 10.

xvi 1987 Constitution, Article XIV, Education, Science and Technology, Arts, Culture, and Sports, Sec. 4(2).

xvii 1987 Constitution, Article XIV, Education, Science and Technology, Arts, Culture, and Sports, Sec. 4(1).

xviii 1987 Constitution, Article XII National Economy and Patrimony, Sec. 2.

xix 1987 Constitution, Article XII National Economy and Patrimony, Sec. 2.

xx Tarra Quismundo, US seeks peaceful, transparent resolution of Spratlys issue, Philippine Daily Inquirer, 03/09/2008, http://newsinfo.inquirer.net/breakingnews/nation/view/20080309-123734/US-seeks-peaceful-transparent-resolution-of-Spratlys-issue.

xxi Demosthenes B. Donato, Indirect Elections for President is the Better Method of Representative Democracy, 14 November 2010, http://www.deszr.com/download/ideszr.indirect_elections.14_november_2010.pdf.

xxii Carmen N. Pedrosa, The Kris and Noynoy Show on ABS-CBN, Philippine Star, 07 November 2009, http://www.philstar.com/Article.aspx?articleId=521031.

xxiii Demosthenes B. Donato, American Presidentialism not Applicable to the Philippines, 14 November 2010, http://www.deszr.com/download/ideszr.presidentialism.14_november_2010.pdf.

xxiv Demosthenes B. Donato, American Bicameralism not Applicable to the Philippines, 14 November 2010, http://www.deszr.com/download/ideszr.bicameralism.14_november_2010.pdf.

xxv Demosthenes B. Donato, Three (3) Basic Advantages of the Unicameral Parliamentary System, 14
November 2010, http://www.deszr.com/download/ideszr.unicameral_parliamentarism.14_november_2010.pdf.

xxvi 1987 Constitution, Article XVII, Sec. 1(1).

xxvii 1987 Constitution, Article XVII, Sec. 3.

xxviii 1987 Constitution, Article XVII, Sec. 2.

xxix Supra Donato, Presidentialism.

xxx Supra Donato, Bicameralism.

xxxi Voters of 2010 Philippines presidential elections exceed 50-million, Xinhua, Manila Bulletin, 09 January
2010, http://www.mb.com.ph/node/237631/voter.

xxxii Summary of Project Population, National Statistics Office, 2006,
http://www.census.gov.ph/data/sectordata/popproj_tab1r.html.

xxxiii 1987 Constitution, Article II Declaration of Principles and State Policies, Sec. 1.

xxxiv Constitution of the United States of America, Article V.

xxxv Carmen Pedrosa, Fascism in the Streets, Philippine Star, 02 March 2008,
http://dodongakakakiko.blogspot.com/2009/07/biggest-political-lie.html.

xxxvi Supra Pedrosa, The story.

xxxvii Transcript of Chargé d’Affaires Joseph Mussomeli’s interview on ANC 21’s “Dateline Philippines,”
with Ricky Carandang, 08 July 2005. Previously available at the US Embassy – Manila website at
http://manila.usembassy.gov/.
Excerpt of ANC 21 interview:
Ricky: Can you categorically tell us right now, sir, that the United States Government supports the administration of Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo?
CDA: I could categorically tell you that we support the rule of law. Within that context, we believe that the President is still the President, obviously. That it is within her legal rights to remove her cabinet; her Cabinet is hers to do with as she pleases, but that doesn’t mean we’re not disappointed in that. It doesn’t mean that we’re not worried; this is something that distracts from the reforms that she was committed to and we hope is still committed to. You know, I know many of he Cabinet members who have resigned now, and the ones that I know are all very decent, and good people, patriots -- people who are concerned for the welfare of the Filipino people. So, it is a worrisome thing, but it is certainly within her rights. (emphasis supplied)
Ricky: Do you agree with the characterization of some of the President’s allies that these cabinet members who spoke this morning are “adventurous?”
CDA: No, I couldn’t agree with that. I know some of them very well, and the ones I know, frankly, have accepted these posts as an act of patriotism and are concerned for the welfare of the people. They could make a lot more money and have a lot more prestigious roles in the private sector, but they have chosen to be in the Cabinet... (emphasis supplied)
Ricky: …that pertain to reports, widespread speculation that the United States may have had some involvement on this. If you recall when the tapes first came out, Secretary Bunye himself said that there were reports that the Americans had something to do with it, and of course you said that you had nothing do with it.
CDA: Right, and that was actually proven true.

xxxviii Gonzalo M. Jurado, Ph.D, The Present as History: A Narration and Interpretation of Events, 31 December 2009, http://dodongakakakiko.blogspot.com/2010/01/hello-garci-and-aragoncillo-project_12.html.

xxxix Efren L. Danao, Government still owns Meralco, Manila Times, 14 May 2008. Stephanie Dychiu, Cory's land
reform to test Noynoy's political will, GMA News,
http://www.gmanews.tv/story/182195/corys-land-reform-legacy-to-test-noynoys-political-will. Emil Jurado,
Distorting History, 23 February 2010, Manila Standard Today,
http://www.manilastandardtoday.com/insideOpinion.htm?f=2010/february/23/emiljurado.isx&d=2010/february/23.
Bobby M. Reyes, Not Getting Mad at, But Getting Even with Tita Cory, 07 September 2007,
http://www.mabuhayradio.com/philippine-presidency/not-getting-mad-at-but-getting-even-with-tita-cory.

People's orgs seek recount via ballot images

Concerned citizens representing various people's organizations filed with the Supreme Court on 11 November 2010, a mandamus petition to compel Comelec to disclose the digital photo images of all ballots cast during the 10 May 2010 elections.

The proponents declared the purpose of their legal action -- to enable the people to audit the automated election system (AES) and verify the correctness of the electronic election results.

The petitioners invoked their constitutional right to information, to secure the “sanctity of the ballot”.

They expressed serious concern on the actions of Comelec itself, in leaving the AES vulnerable to electronic fraud, by disabling critical security features in violation of existing laws and rules.

They questioned the following actions of Comelec:

(a) removing the requirement of digital signatures for the individual members of the board election inspectors (BEI), leaving the electronic processes of counting and transmission to the total control of the private contractor Smartmatic, contrary to law.

(b) disabling the built-in ultra violet (UV) scanning capability of the precinct count optical scan (PCOS) machine and their subsequent replacement by hand-held scanners, virtually leaving the system incapable of detecting fake ballots, since the use of the hand-held scanners was rendered impractical on election day due to the clustering of up to 7 precincts per machine.

(c) deviating from the mandated random manual audit (RMA) process, where the RMA was not conducted immediately after the transmission of election results, not conducted right at the precinct, and the results of the audit were not released immediately after the audit.

Various people's organizations supported the legal action, i.e. Filipino Migrant Workers Group (FMW), Global Filipino Nation (GFN), Global Filipinos Australia, Global Filipinos Canada, Our Barangay, Inc., Partidong Pandaigdigang Pilipino (PPP Central), Philippine American Press Club - Northern California, Lawyers for Transparency (L4T), and We Citizen Advocates for Reforms Movement (We Care), Inc., under the umbrella of the Protect our Democracy Movement (PODM).

Nonetheless, the proponents clarified that their action was not intended to be a substitute for an election protest.

Dodong aka Ka Kiko

“Hypocrisy holds government and the nation in its grip" - former NSA

Former NSA claims Noy’s gov’t to soon self-destruct

By Mario J. Mallari
10/11/2010
The Daily Tribune

The shadowy National Security Adviser and Defense Secretary of former President Arroyo, Norberto Gonzales, yesterday claimed there are strong indications that the administration of President Aquino could self-destruct sooner, as he expressed belief the country needs a “new political initiative” that will let the people gain control of and continue the process of systemic change.

“There are strong indications that the current government could self-destruct sooner than we expect. But this position is alright if we are merely after seeing end to the present reign of hypocrisy,” said Gonzales.

Gonzales, however, stressed that his move is not, in any way, aimed at destabilizing the administration of President Aquino.

“We should emphasize that this is not destabilization. It’s really an honest to goodness opposition. It’s bad not to have any opposition in a democracy,” said Gonzales.

The former defense chief cited the “questionable” results of the last May 10 automated elections and the unceremonious relief of some government officials for perceived closeness to the previous administration.

“While majority of our people may, for now, believe the announced results of the last election, we know that manipulation and cheating did take place on a major scale and that sooner or later, the legitimacy issue will come out,” said Gonzales.

“…I think the basic problem is there are a lot of people being eased out without cause except being identified with the former administration. How will you interpret that?” Gonzales explained.

Gonzales also noted that presently “hypocrisy holds government and the nation in its grip.”

“We should not allow our people to be deceived into treading a ‘straight road’ to a problematic future at the hands of a leadership with neither the competence nor the character to govern well,” Gonzales warned.

Noting the self-destructive tendencies of the present government, he warns of another danger—that of concerned groups taking a ‘do nothing strategy’ today. He reminded that the situation can be used to advance certain selfish ambitions.

“If we are to undergo another leadership change, let us make sure the process remains non-violent, democratic, and truly leading to systemic change,” Gonzales stressed.

Gonzales’ assessment of the country’s present political challenge is contained in a paper titled “Reclaiming our Rights to Initiate Change” released last Sunday, a few days after Aquino’s 100th day in office.

The paper reaffirmed the former government official’s choice of putting up a shadow cabinet-led political movement to effect real change in the country’s political process towards building the kind of society Filipinos deserve. The idea is an old advocacy of Gonzales, who is also the founding chairperson of the Philippine Democratic Socialist Party (PDSP).

Gonzales argued that the nation cannot succeed in building the good society it deserves unless the elitist character of Philippine politics is transformed and the people become real participants of the change process.

Gonzales explained the shadow cabinet-led political movement he seeks to build will bring together the people with authentic mass leaders and leaders of strategic sectors of society to define, from the start, a common vision of society and the common good, prepare for governing well, seek access to state power and, when in government, govern well.

It will also gather people who have served and those who are currently serving government to harness their experiences for good governance. It will link people and bureaucracy as “symbiotic forces for nation building.”

“The way the movement will acquire state power will determine the way it will govern,” Gonzales said.
Gonzales’ paper also touched Charter change, saying the people’s common vision of society and the common good will become the foundation of the country’s fundamental law.

The paper defined the vision of tomorrow, in bold stroke, as becoming a First World nation and points out the importance for society to pursue and commit as one to a vision with guaranteed set of universal benefits for all, both rich and poor.

Gonzales noted the increasing impatience of the people with the dysfunctions of Philippine politics to emphasize the urgency of addressing the country’s continuing political challenge.

The former defense chief said he has not discussed his paper to former President and now Pampanga Rep. Gloria Arroyo.

At the same time, Gonzales said he is not looking at active members of the Armed Forces of the Philippines (AFP) to back his group, saying active military personnel should be insulated from politics.

“I always emphasized that we never approach military people in the active service, they should not be involved into politics…but those who are retired that’s another story,” said Gonzales.