15 June 2021

Oligopolies stall Philippines development; more FDI needed – Salceda

 

Oligopolies stall Philippines development; more FDI needed – Salceda

Delon Porcalla 

(The Philippine Star )

- June 14, 2021 - 12:00am

MANILA, Philippines — The Philippines remains a laggard among its Asian neighbors, partly because of the influence oligopolies have over practically all administrations and, as such, local tycoons’ businesses thrive and deprive the country of much-needed foreign direct investments.

This was the assessment made recently by Albay Rep. Joey Salceda on the state of economic affairs in the country, in a recent digital forum sponsored by the Department of the Interior and Local Government (DILG).

“Operating as monopolies and oligopolies, the corporate conglomerates find it convenient to restrict production and investment below the competitive level,” the economist lawmaker who chairs the House ways and means committee said.

An oligopoly exists when a market or industry is dominated by a small group of large producers and sellers.

Citing the country’s few FDI, Salceda explained that foreign investors’ “willingness to invest” is “inhibited by their concentrated ownership structure and their uncertainties about the stability and duration of government favoritism.”

The DILG-led webinar sessions are held in support of Resolution of Both Houses 2 (RBH 2), authored by Speaker Lord Allan Velasco, which seeks to open up the country to more foreign investors by amending restrictive economic provisions in the Constitution.

Asked about the impact of opening the economy on the micro, small and medium enterprises (MSMEs), Salceda said more FDI should benefit market competition.

“FDI restrictions lead to lack of competition in the country which increases oligopolistic power and reduces the need to invest. As a result, oligopolies are the ones benefitting from profits, influence law, and prevent foreign competitions to enter the Philippines,” he said.

Salceda lamented that while the country’s post-Marcos Constitution made sure dictatorships will never see the light of day again, its very rigid protectionist economic policies allowed domestic industries to be controlled by oligopolies.

“In trying to be nationalistic with our Constitution, we have ironically fattened our domestic oligopolies, at the expense of the people. Shamefully, and once again, we are the most oligopolistic market in the region,” he said.

Seeking to correct this is what moved the House to approve RBH 2 on third and final reading last June 1. It is now pending before the Senate.

Ako Bicol party-list Rep. Alfredo Garbin Jr., who heads the House committee on constitutional amendments, remarked on Independence Day last Saturday that Filipinos should be “free” from the “economic chains” in the 1987 Constitution.

“Twenty (20) years of the 21st Century have passed and we are realizing now that we cannot prosper in the remaining decades of this 21st Century if we keep ourselves chained to these restrictive economic provisions,” said Garbin as he urged the Senate to act on RBH 2.

https://www.philstar.com/headlines/2021/06/14/2105309/oligopolies-stall-philippines-development-more-fdi-needed-salceda?fbclid=IwAR28X0gIZ1b6NnwJbrv0u1lVii2gdWYVcT4AxylF5amRtGNE6gRPd4H79vQ

Easing of foreign ownership restrictions to break ‘vicious cycle’ of oligopolies —Salceda

 

Albay Representative Joey Salceda

Easing of foreign ownership restrictions to break ‘vicious cycle’ of oligopolies —Salceda

By TED CORDERO, GMA News

Published June 11, 2021 2:51pm

Albay Representative Joey Salceda said Friday that easing foreign ownership restrictions in the 1987 Constitution will open the country for more foreign direct investments (FDIs) which will force local large enterprises to invest more and be competitive.

Salceda, an economist, is one of the key proponents of the Resolution of Both Houses No. 2, which seeks to amend the economic provisions of the Constitution.

The measure has been adopted by the House of Representatives on third and final reading on June 1.

RBH No. 2 is seeking to insert the phrase "unless otherwise provided by law" to the constitutional provisions on national economy and patrimony; education, science and technology, arts, culture, and sports; and on general provisions to give Congress flexibility to enact laws that would free up the economy to foreign investors.

Salceda said the measure will open the economy to more FDIs, noting that the Philippines is among the most restrictive to FDIs across various sectors.

“FDI restrictions also resulted in the presence of oligopolies, making the Philippines the most oligopolistic in the region,” the lawmaker said, citing data from the World Economic Forum.

Salceda said this is the case since the market is dominated by a small group of large conglomerates.

“Oligopolies further reduce the investment appetite. Operating as monopolies and oligopolies, the corporate conglomerates find it convenient to restrict production - and investment - below the competitive level,” he said.

“Also, their willingness to invest is inhibited by their concentrated ownership structure, and their uncertainties about the stability and duration of government favoritism,” he added.

To break the “vicious cycle” of undisturbed oligopolies, easing restrictions on FDIs will force local conglomerates to be “reasonably competitive” and “invest more” in the country.

“We are not really after the money, we are after the technology and knowledge transfer which foreign investments can provide,” Salceda said.

Citing data from the World Bank and Department of Finance estimates, the lawmaker said the Philippines’ share of FDIs in Southeast Asia declined from 5.1% in 1996 to 4.4% in 2019 due to restrictive and protectionist provisions in the Constitution.

Salceda said if the Philippines opens its doors further to foreign investors through easing of foreign ownership restrictions, the country can dramatically grow the same way as Vietnam when its gross domestic product grew five times from $6.472 billion in 1990 to $31.173 billion in 2000 when it passed its Foreign Investment law in 1987.

This is also favorable for the country as it moves to recover from a pandemic-induced recession.

The Makabayan bloc earlier said that the measure would not address the pandemic's adverse effects on the lives of Filipinos.

Other lawmakers also feared that this would only pave the way for the introduction of political amendments in the present Constitution such as term extension for some elected officials or lifting their term limits.

But Speaker Lord Allan Velasco has insisted that the intention is purely to help the Philippines rise from the pandemic and to make the country fully-competitive with Asian neighbors.—AOL, GMA News

https://www.gmanetwork.com/news/news/nation/791146/easing-of-foreign-ownership-restrictions-to-break-vicious-cycle-of-oligopolies-salceda/story/

08 June 2021

Filipino last?

 Filipino last?

DEMAND AND SUPPLY - Boo Chanco 

(The Philippine Star) - June 7, 2021 - 12:00am

The Filipino First policy, a legacy from our post WW2 politicians, resulted in the Philippines being relegated from second only to Japan, to last in our region of tiger economies. It was a policy that was used by our economic elite for rent-seeking privileges.

With Filipino First, we developed a feeling of economic insecurity that made us afraid of foreign investors. This kind of economic nationalism is not useful in today’s world.

It enabled the economic elite to keep prices high to the disadvantage of Filipino consumers while delivering mostly substandard products and services. Puede na yan means Pinoys must live with less quality.

In the telecom industry, I still remember how my parents waited over 10 years to get a telephone line from PLDT.

Then the industry was liberalized by FVR, but investors were limited to Filipinos. There were six or seven groups that got franchises to compete with PLDT. Soon, they all sold out to PLDT or Globe. Rent-seeking at its best.

Telecoms is an industry that requires big investments. Only the international players can be expected to compete with our telecoms duopoly.

And if we really think about it, even the current prohibition for foreign ownership in telecoms looks silly, with Globe and PLDT effectively controlled by foreign entities. The largest shareholder of Globe is Singapore Telecom, not Ayala. PLDT is Indonesia’s First Pacific.

Now, you might say, if foreigners can do what they did in Globe and PLDT under current rules, is there still a need to amend the Public Service Act to liberalize foreign ownership?

Yes, because many foreign investors want straightforward rules and policies that allow them majority ownership. If they have to go to a local law firm to help them go around the Constitution, that makes them susceptible to corruption from local regulators and the courts.

The proposal to exclude telecommunications from the definition of public utility subject to the 60/40 rule had been passed by the House and is now pending in the Senate.

But some senators are using national security as an excuse to stop the measure. It is easy to suspect they are just trying to keep out competitors of the existing players.

The issue however, is beyond the telecoms industry. We simply need more foreign investors to come in and create jobs. But because they sense a lack of hospitality for foreign capital through our Filipino First policies, they go elsewhere, like Vietnam.

The latest preliminary data from the Philippine Statistics Authority (PSA) showed that foreign investments in 1Q21 fell by 32.9 percent YoY to P19.6 billion from P29.1 billion, marking the fifth consecutive quarter with a YoY decline and the lowest level since the P15.5 billion logged in 2Q20.

Foreign capital goes where it is welcome, and countries in our region are more hospitable to foreign capital than we are.

But why should we be afraid of foreign investments?

I received this e-mail from a senior Korean business executive who was reacting to a column I wrote on Vietnam and how it overtook us in economic growth.

“Your column on Feb 12, was quite instructive for me. I’ve been thinking over and I suggest you write another column on ‘Why Samsung Electronics went to Vietnam’.

“In 2008, the big boss of Samsung was here in the Philippines to evaluate the business conditions on which country is the best for them. But finally, Samsung chose Vietnam. Not the Philippines.

“This is quite an interesting story because the Philippines still has the same way of thinking as in 2008. There are many restrictions and limitations on foreign investors here in the Philippines. Under these restrictions, I am sure no big Korean investments will come.

“None of the other countries in the region have such restrictions on foreign investors. Every country is willing to give special incentives and benefits for foreign investors. Please study why Samsung went to Vietnam in 2008.

“Now, the biggest investors in Vietnam are Korean. More than 9000 Korean companies are located in Vietnam. (Here only a few hundred). Whenever I talk to officials of the government, I think they don’t know this story.”

Unfortunately, the Senate may continue to be a hindrance to foreign investments.

Senator Recto is opposing the PSA bill because he is afraid the Chinese may take over our telecom industry. Precisely why we need the PSA bill to pass… The industry grapevine tells me that two Japanese telcos (KDDI and Softbank) are eager to come in, but only if they will be legally allowed to invest in majority ownership.

To safeguard national security, three provisions were included: vetting by the National Security Council and approval by the President of all investments in critical infrastructure; prohibition of SOEs (State-Owned Enterprises) from investing in telecommunications or increasing their share; cybersecurity ISO certification for critical infrastructure.

The ban on investment of SOEs (State-owned Enterprises) in telecom and other critical infrastructure effectively bans all Chinese telecom companies because they are all SOEs. But China Telecom is already invested in Dito Telecommunity.

The danger to national security is not so much who owns the telecom companies, but who manufactures the equipment they use. All existing telecom companies here use China’s Huawei equipment.

By allowing Japanese, Korean and other foreign players in, we may be able to diversify our sources of equipment as well. This is important because eventually under the US CLEAN program, our telcos won’t be allowed into the US financial system using Huawei equipment. That cuts us from the US banking system.

In the proposed PSA, a blanket ban on all foreign ownership of telcos being contemplated by some senators will leave us with three telcos dependent on Huawei equipment. We run the risk of our telcos‘ technology getting obsolete as Huawei is denied advanced US technology.

Passing the PSA bill is the first step to create a favorable investment environment here for foreign investors.

We have to stop being afraid of foreign capital. We just have to properly regulate their activities. Letting them own their business here should not matter. They bring competition that benefits consumers, and we need the jobs they will create.

Our Filipino First policy only made Filipinos last. That’s the awful truth.

https://www.philstar.com/business/2021/06/07/2103544/filipino-last?fbclid=IwAR3cyQHpe1XI85-TlJJ_ANw7EO3r15S9jtUgZBZ8P-lRJSv7ZV4VyR9zw2c


09 May 2021

"COLLEGIAL RULE" FOR "GOOD GOVERNANCE"

 

“COLLEGIAL RULE” FOR

“GOOD GOVERNANCE”

 

 

            Collegial rule promotes “good governance” because it provides for proficiency, integrity and accountability in making and implementing policies and programs of government.

 

            Firstly, collegial rule by its inherent nature harnesses Collegial wisdom. It extrapolates to a higher level the idiom “two heads are better than one.” [PROFICIENCY]

 

            Secondly, collegial rule impedes graft and corruption because its group-based mechanism necessarily requires the disclosure of material information to many individuals. As human experience shows, “corruption thrives in secrecy, and withers in the light.” [INTEGRITY]

 

            Thirdly, collegial rule strengthens accountability because it separates the “exercise of power” from the “ultimate hold on power.” As political reality shows, the individual with delegated authority to exercise executive power, routinely defers to the Collegial will of the assembly of elected representatives, because this body holds the ultimate authority to hire-and-fire him. [ACCOUNTABILITY]

 

Collegial rule also promotes consensus building, because it pre-supposes or necessarily requires the support of a majority to gain and retain political power. On the other hand, one-man rule may promote authoritarianism, because power may be gained by mere plurality of votes (i.e. a minority vote vis-à-vis the total votes), and may be retained despite overwhelming opposition, because the usual remedies for removal are either ineffective or impossible.

 

Collegial rule by majority vote in Collegial decision making, is the standard in a parliamentary system (at the national level) and in a council type system (at the local level). It is the opposite of one-man rule by an individual decision maker, which is the virtual standard in a presidential system (at the national level) and in a mayor type system (at the local level).

 

            Following the American presidential system with separation of powers, the single individual who becomes president and assumes one-man rule, takes full control of the entire executive branch; appoints all the justices and judges of the judicial branch; enjoys immunity or cannot be sued while in office; and cannot be removed from office, except by impeachment (i.e. an ineffective legal remedy) or people’s power (i.e. a practical impossibility). This is the sad and sorry state of politics in the Philippines which undoubtedly needs to be revisited, re-examined and restructured.

 

On the other hand, in the British parliamentary system that adopts collegial rule, the political branches of the executive and the legislature are merged, but leaves separate and independent the non-political branch of the judiciary. Accordingly, an effective mechanism for checks-and-balances is retained, notwithstanding the merger of executive and legislative branches of government. This is a working system of government, where some (not necessarily all) features may be considered and adopted by the Philippines.

 

            Collegial rule weakens the control or influence of the oligarchs and the family dynasties over the government, by dispersing the ultimate power of control from one individual to an assembly of elected representatives. At the same time, it strengthens the government vis-a-vis the powerful vested interests, by consolidating the law-making and law-execution powers in the assembly of representatives.

 

Furthermore, collegial rule diminishes the natural advantage of “rich and famous” candidates over competent but underfunded and unknown candidates, through “voting by district” in multiple small constituencies, instead of “voting at large” in one big constituency. Notably, a manipulative mass media is less effective in small constituencies, because here the voter has greater chances of knowing the real qualities of the candidate.[i] Moreover, the selection process involving multiple small constituencies requires a substantially lower number of votes to win the post of chief executive.[ii]

 

Finally, collegial rule makes the chief executive more readily removable for acts or omissions involving fault or negligence, through a mere vote of “loss of confidence” in the assembly of elected representatives, rather than through an impeachment trial, administrative proceeding or criminal prosecution.

           

Does collegial rule have any known disadvantage or systemic weakness? Yes, it does. The mechanism to easily hire-and-fire the chief executive may cause instability. Can this be avoided? Yes, it can.

 

Since the chief executive is ordinarily removable at any time by majority vote of the members of the elective assembly for mere loss of confidence, there can be frequent changes in political leaders over short durations like every few months or years. Changes in political leaders usually involve changes in policy. This results in the unpredictability of government that eventually hampers business and economic activity.

 

Nonetheless, this systemic weakness may be addressed by modifying the mechanism to hire-and-fire the chief executive. The modified method can make it easy to “hire” the chief executive (such as by simple majority vote), but at the same time, difficult to “fire” him (such as by qualified 2/3 majority vote). Once elected, the chief executive may then hold the position until the expiration or termination of his membership in the elective assembly, or until he is earlier removed from office by higher or qualified majority vote.

 

            Accordingly, by modifying the method to hire-and-fire the chief executive, the people may enjoy the benefits of collegial rule, without the disadvantage of political instability.

 

 

 

This material was written ex-gratia by Demosthenes B. Donato

for Tanggulang Demokrasya (Tan Dem), Inc.

All intellectual property rights are granted to the public domain.

10 May 2021. Makati City, Philippines.

 

 

 Disclaimer: The views and opinions expressed in this material are those of the author

and do not necessarily reflect the official policy or position of TanDem.

 



[i] The electoral process for public officials needs to be designed in a manner that is immune from any deliberate manipulation of public opinion by mass media, considering that many television stations, radio stations, broadsheets, tabloids and online news sites, are by common knowledge owned or influenced by the oligarchs and the family dynasties.

 

[ii] For example, in a state with 10,000,000 voters and only 2 candidates, a candidate needs 5,000,000 + 1 votes to win as president (chief executive), assuming that all voters vote in a “presidential system” with direct voting. On the other hand, in a “parliamentary system” assuming 100 districts with 100,000 voters per district, the party of a candidate for prime minister (chief executive) needs to win only 51 seats in the parliament (national assembly). This would be 2,550,000 + 51 (or 50,000 + 1 per district) or total of 2,550,051 votes only, assuming all voters in all districts vote.

 

Another example, in a town with 10,000 voters and only 2 candidates, a candidate needs 5,000 + 1 votes to win as mayor, assuming that all voters vote in a “mayor type system”. On the other hand, in a “council type system” assuming 10 districts with 1,000 voters per district, the party of a mayoralty candidate needs to win only 6 seats in the council. This would be 3,000 + 6 (or 500 + 1 per district) or total of 3,006 votes only, assuming all voters in all districts vote.

17 January 2021

EMPOWERING THE REGIONS, THE WAY FORWARD

 

EMPOWERING THE REGIONS, THE WAY FORWARD

 


As far as anyone can remember, Metro Manila had always been far ahead compared to any other region in socio-economic development. To correct this imbalance, many have pursued the regional decentralization of government, based on the social theory of “subsidiarity,” saying that regional government systems are in the best position to handle regional affairs.[i]

 

As the late Dr. Gonzalo M. Jurado noted, regional government systems promote the dispersal of development by securing the benefits of “location” (or advantage of proximity to the regional center), by attracting the forces of “agglomeration” (or advantage of concentration in the regional center where there are already large concentrations of people and investments), and by facilitating “friendly competition” (or advantage of competition among regional centers to deliver the best services at the most reasonable prices).[ii] If I may add, they also institutionalize the systematic “integration” of the social and economic service functions of select government agencies, consolidating their operations, administration, control and supervision under a singular authority.[iii]

 

So how exactly should we pursue regional decentralization? Based on what we already know, there are at least three (3) ways to do this - by regional authority (RA), by autonomous region (AR), and by sub-state (SS). RA is like SBMA, but for a much bigger area like Central Luzon, and without the tax incentives usually granted in freeport and economic zones. AR is like the BARMM and its predecessor ARMM. SS is like the component state of Sabah, that by “accession” has joined the federal state of Malaysia.[iv]


Is there a national consensus on how to pursue regional decentralization? Based on my personal obversation, there is none. In  Luzon, the people and their leaders are apparently open to RA (as they already have the SBMA). However, they are indifferent if not opposed to either the AR or the SS. Note that even the Cordillera region did not create its own AR, even if so provided in the 1987 Constitution. In Mindanao on the other hand, I recall the words of our late mentor, Fr. Romeo “Archie” J. Intengan, S.J. He once told me that as far as the Muslim communities are concerned, anything less than “accession” to a federal state would not be acceptable. Knowing that Fr. Archie spent a good part of his life in the South during the martial law years, I take his subtle observations as words of wisdom. In Visayas, it seems their sentiment is closer to Mindanao.


So how do we move forward if there is no consensus? Well, the answer should be obvious. We should take the “bottom-up approach” and let the people of the regions decide for themselves, rather than take the “top-down approach” and impose on the regions uniform structures designed from the top. We need to consider that there are many factors that influence the success or failure of regional decentralization, including culture, demography, geography, natural resources, public funds and even insurgency.


While we have heard about the benefits of regional decentralization, people do ask – are there are pitfalls along the way? Yes, there are pitfalls ahead. Can we avoid them? Yes, of course, we can.

 

So what are these pitfalls? From my engagement with people's organizations and concerned citizens, the major concerns include the“Balkanization” of the nation (or the secession of sub-states from the federal state), the huge cost of funding multiple regional assemblies, double taxation that overburdens the taxpayers, and a complicated legal system (with divergent legal frameworks across the regions) that hamper doing business and job creation.


To prevent “Balkanization,” the federal constitution may categorically prohibit secession, and to this end, vest solely in the federal state the establishment of military (AFP) and police (PNP) forces. Borrowing from the laws establishing freeports and economic zones, the SS may have “internal security forces” which are actually government security guards with the limited task of protecting persons and properties.

 

To avoid the huge cost of funding multiple new regional assemblies, the present mayors and district congressmen may be designated as ex-officio members of these assemblies. Under the 1943 Constitution, local officials were made ex-officio members of the national assembly.

 

To avoid double taxation, we can temporarily retain the present public finance system where only the national government collects the major taxes (on income, value added and import duties), and thereafter allocate to the regions their fair and equitable share in the collections.

 

To avoid a complicated legal system, we can also temporarily prohibit the enactment by the SS of laws on banking, insurance, commerce (on goods and services), insolvency, intellectual property rights, professional practice, immigration, naturalization.

 

Looking at all these limitations on the SS, are we not rendering it inutile? No, we are not. They retain the government powers most important to them, i.e. the power to approve plans, programs and projects, and the power to allocate public funds.

 

So how do we move forward in empowering the regions? Check out the People's Draft (a crowd-sourced constitution), hashtag #PeoplesDraft. It is ready for discussion and deliberation on all points raised, and even more.

 

 

 

 

Demosthenes B. Donato

13 September 2019

Makati City, Philippines

 



[i] Principle of Subsidiarity – “theory in sociology, that functions which subordinate or local organizations perform effectively belong more properly to them than to a dominant central organization;” Webster’s Third New International Dictionary, (c) 2002, page 2279.

[ii] Gonzalo M. Jurado, Notes on the Federal Structure for the Philippines, pages 2-4, 10 September 2012.

[iii] Demosthenes B. Donato, Advantages and Disadvantages of Regional Decentralization, 27 August 2016.

[iv] Principle of Accession – “the act of becoming joined (as in a confederacy or union);” Webster’s Third New International Dictionary Unabridged, (c) 2002, page 11.

WHY LEFTISTS REJECT FOREIGN INVESTORS

 

WHY LEFTISTS REJECT FOREIGN INVESTORS

 

Before I answer the question, let me first define what I mean by “leftists.” I refer to the advocates of nationalist democracy (NatDem) and socialist democracy (SocDem), who knowingly or unknowingly, may have been influenced by teachings of the communist movement, specifically the Communist International (Comintern) of 1919-1943.[i]

 

The Comintern was an international organization that advocated world communism.[ii] It was determined to "struggle by all available means, including armed force, for the overthrow of the international bourgeoisie and the creation of an international Soviet (i.e. council) republic as a transition stage to the complete abolition of the state."[iii] Comintern “accepted the revolutionary potential of nationalism in the colonial world.”[iv]

 

Notably, the communist ideology was rooted in Marxism and similar schools of thought, that concerned itself only with the poor worker class, the rich capitalist class, the conflict between the social classes, the inevitable social revolution, and the goal of common ownership of the means of production.[v] In other words, it was NOT concerned with nationalities, ethnicity or race.

 

Nonetheless, in order for the ideology to penetrate the colonial world (then ruled by the capitalist powers of Western Europe and North America), the Comintern adopted the strategy of agitating the colonized to rise up against the colonizer under the banner of “nationalism.”

 

Thus, their adherents were indoctrinated about the “evils” of foreign owned businesses (which were mostly from the Western capitalist powers), and thereafter sent on global missions to uproot and destroy them. Once the Western colonizers were weakened if not defeated, the pure communist ideologues can come in to establish a new world order.

 

Looking back at my law school days, where I joined a SocDem group called Sandata, that was affiliated with a larger coalition called Bandila, I guess I was among those indoctrinated with ideas of “nationalism” that was basically anti-foreign. In fact, in our course on constitutional law, we were made to believe that limitations and restrictions on foreign investors under the Filipino First policy, was “nationalist” and therefore patriotic.

 

Today, the communist movement for global hegemony has dissipated, but its anti-foreign doctrine lingers on among “leftists” of different shades. I guess they have forgotten, or maybe they never got to know, that the anti-foreign doctrine was merely a strategy to penetrate the colonial world for the eventual entry communism.

 

I for one no longer believe that foreign investors are almost always predators, who are simply out to exploit the country and its people. Rather, I see them as simply businessmen, like any other, who are willing to invest capital and buckle down to work, in exchange for reasonable profits.

 

If we take a survey of workers or employees in the country now, I guess many if not most of them, will prefer to work for a multinational company (owned by foreign investors), instead of a purely local company (without any international exposure). This is because from what I have seen, multinational companies generally offer higher salaries and benefits.

 

Just to be clear on this point, this is not because these foreign investors are benevolent. It is simply because their foreign owners and management are used to much higher salaries and benefits in their home country. On the other hand, if we look at the local investors who are used to hardship, I guess it follows why they are also hard about salaries and benefits.

 

As I look now at the Filipino First policy, that by law restricts or limits the entry of foreign investors into the country (thereby creating a captive local market), I see that it makes the fundamentally wrong assumption that the profits earned by Filipino businessmen, will “trickle down” to the Filipino workers and consumers.

 

On the contrary, economic experience shows that enterprise owners on one hand, have contradictory interests in relation to enterprise employees and customers on the other hand.  See Theory of the Firm: Managerial behavior, agency costs and ownership structure, by Jensen and Meckling (1976). https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/0304405X7690026X. Law of Supply and Demand, by Chappelow (2019). https://www.investopedia.com/terms/l/law-of-supply-demand.asp.

 

The enterprise owners will simply flow as much profits to themselves, unless or until the enterprise employees and customers push back, whenever they can. The same motivation for profit of course applies, regardless of the foreign or local ownership of the enterprise.

 

Today, the biggest dollar earners of the country are the OFWs (overseas Filipino workers) who work for foreign employers overseas, and the BPOs (business process outsourcing) that are generally owned by foreign investors.

 

Ironically, industries dominated by enterprises majority or wholly owned by Filipino businessmen, have the worst performance. We have the highest power cost (i.e. power distribution), slowest internet (i.e. telecommunication), expensive transport costs (i.e. mass transportation), unpredictable water supply (i.e. water distribution), highly politicized mass media, and largely untapped mineral and energy resources.

 

As I see it now, the Filipino First policy is nothing but a Businessmen First policy, where the Filipino workers and consumers are last priority. They will need to get jobs overseas if they want better pay. Otherwise, they will have to swallow the high domestic consumer prices, because there’s no other choice locally.

 

Notably, some associations of big businessmen join hands with the indoctrinated “leftists” to block the entry of foreign investors that they fear will challenge their monopoly or oligopoly of the local market. I guess their motivation is obvious, and there’s no need to write another article about it. They simply seek to perpetuate their stranglehold of the local market, legalized by no less than the constitution and the laws, and maintain their artificially high market prices, without having to worry about new players that will force them to compete like hell.

 

 

Atty. Dindo B. Donato, General Counsel

Tanggulang Demokrasya (Tan Dem), Inc.

16 July 2020. Makati City, Philippines.

 

Disclaimer: The views and opinions expressed in this material are those of the author

and do not necessarily reflect the official policy or position of TanDem.

 

 



[i] https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Communist_International.

[ii] Id.

[iii] Id.

[iv] Id.

[v] https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Communism.

13 July 2020

THE MISEDUCATION OF THE PEOPLE’S POWER GENERATION

Those who belong to the People’s Power generation[i] may still recall the popular article entitled “The Miseducation of the Filipino” by the late Renato Constantino. Although Constantino addressed his grievances against the American colonial government, I think his approach in analyzing the deep-seated problems of society remains valid until today. I do not necessarily agree with some of the assertions he made in his essay,[ii] but I do agree with his critical observations and emphasis on education.

I agree with the letter and spirit of his statements that:

            1.      “Education is a vital weapon of a people striving for economic emancipation, political independence and cultural renaissance.” However, I would like to add that it is not only a “weapon” (that implies violence), but also a “tool” (that implies non-violence).

            2.      Nationalism is about the “correction of iniquitous relations,” pursuit of “economic emancipation,” and “appreciation for our own culture.” However, I would like to caution that nationalism is not necessarily anti-foreign, but only against “iniquitous relations.” Nationalism does not absolutely rule out alliances with foreign states, if such alliance supports the national interest.

            3.      “The most effective means of subjugating a people is to capture their minds. Military victory does not necessarily signify conquest. As long as feelings of resistance remain in the hearts of the vanquished, no conqueror is secure… The moulding of men’s minds is the best means of conquest. Education, therefore, serves as a weapon in wars of colonial conquest… The American military authorities had a job to do. They had to employ all means to pacify a people whose hopes for independence were being frustrated by the presence of another conqueror.”

           4.      “The American view of our history turned our heroes into brigands in our own eyes, (and) distorted our distorted vision of the future. The surrender of the Katipuneros was nothing compared to this final surrender, this leveling down of our last defenses… Within the framework of American colonialism, whenever there was a conflict between American and Filipino goals and interests, the schools guided us toward thought and action which could forward American interests.”

          5.      “It was understandable for American authorities to think that democracy can only

mean the American type of democracy, and thus they foisted on the Filipinos the institutions that were valid for their own people. Indigenous institutions which could have led to the evolution of native democratic ideas and institutions were disregarded.”

          6.      “Education cannot be divorced from the society of a definite country at a definite time. It is a fallacy to think that educational goals should be the same everywhere and that therefore what should go into the making of a well-educated American is the same as what should go into the making of the well-educated Filipino. This would be true only if the two societies were at the same political, cultural, and economic level and had the same political, cultural and economic goals.

          7.      “The pathetic results of this failure of Philippine education is a citizen amazingly naive and trusting in its relations with foreigners, devoid of the capacity to feel indignation even in the face of insults to the nation, ready to acquiesce and even to help aliens in the despoliation of our national wealth. Why are the great majority of our people so complaisant about foreign economic control? Much of the blame must be laid at the door of colonial education. Colonial education has not provided us with a realistic attitude toward other nations, especially Spain and the United States. The emphasis in our study of history has been on the great gifts that our conquerors have bestowed upon us. A mask of benevolence was used to hide the cruelties and deceit of early American occupation.” 

Are these statements still relevant today, specially to the People’s Power generation?

Literally, they are not. The American colonizers already withdrew from the country 75 years ago. However, if we apply Constantino’s statements to our situation today, mutatis mutandis or “by changing those things which need to be changed,” then they still are. Replace Constantino’s references to the “Americans colonizers” with “Filipino oligarchs,” and all his statements remain relevant, at least in spirit if not by the letter.

 By “oligarchs” I refer to the family-based conglomerates that play the role of “kingmaker,” outlast administrations, and hijack government policy to suit their vested interests.[iii] They subvert democracy by manipulating public opinion, procuring the loyalties of educational institutions (i.e. administrators, professors, parents, students) through disguised financing,[iv] and spreading “fake news” and “false views” through mass media networks they own or influence. 

In colleges and universities, particularly the so-called elite schools in Metro Manila (i.e. Ateneo, La Salle, UP), they impart to their students a profound admiration of the oligarchs (who are all

over the public utilities, mass media and natural resources), deep respect for the communists (who seek to grab power through violent class conflict), and strong condemnation of all the puny mortals who dare oppose them. Let me cite some examples of teachings in schools:

               1.      They would teach about martial law declared by the Marcos administration in September 1972, as a mere ploy to extend their terms in office, citing the arrest and detention of many political personalities.[v] However, they would not teach about the Plaza Miranda bombing that terrorized and killed innocents in August 1971, that was initially blamed on Mr. Marcos but later pointed at the CPP-NPA under Jose Maria Sison, in likely collaboration with Mr. Ninoy Aquino, the presumptive presidential candidate of the Liberal Party.[vi] They also would not teach about the supply of arms by the Peoples’ Republic of China to the CPP-NPA, shown by the MV Karagatan incident in July 1972,[vii] and the widespread communist insurgencies in Southeast Asia at the time, where practically all neighboring countries were under martial law.[viii]   

              2. They would teach about human rights violations of the Marcos administration, which allegedly involved 3,257 extra-judicial killings during 1970s and 1980s, per Amnesty International and the Task Force Detainees of the Philippines.[ix] They also would teach about the 5,526 drug suspects killed from 2016 to 2019, as per data of the PNP and PDEA.[x] However, they would not teach about the 43,000 fatalities between 1969 and 2008 from the armed rebellion of the CPP-NPA-NDF.[xi]

              3.      They would teach about the Hello Garci scandal, where then President Arroyo was recorded calling Comelec Commissioner Virgilio Garcillano to allegedly rig the results in her favor.[xii] However, they would not teach about the role of the US Embassy in instigating the Hello Garci and Hyatt 10 scandals, because of Arroyo’s alleged refusal to align Philippine foreign policy with US foreign policy.[xiii] They also would not teach about the role of IFES (International Federation of Electoral Systems), a Washington based NGO funded by USAID and the US State Department, in securing the entry into the country of the Venezuelan company Smartmatic, to take full technical control of Philippine automated elections, characterized by the disablement of basic safeguards against fraud.[xiv]

             4.      They would teach about the P171 billion of ill-gotten wealth recovered from the Marcos family by the PCGG during the period from 1986 to 2017.[xv] However, they would not teach about the questioned disposition by President Cory Aquino in favor of her relatives and allies, of shares recovered by the government in PLDT, PAL, Meralco and ABS-CBN.[xvi] They also would not teach about the Disbursement Acceleration Program (DAP) of President Noynoy Aquino, a secret budget declared unconstitutional by the Supreme Court, valued at P144 billion from 2011 to 2013.[xvii]

            5.      They would teach about the removal of Chief Justice Ma. Lourdes Sereno in May 2018, by the Supreme Court itself, as politically motivated simply because she was an appointee of President Noynoy Aquino.[xviii] However, they would not teach about the removal of Chief Justice Renato Corona by impeachment in May 2012, who insisted “this (was) all about Hacienda Luisita” because he recently led the Supreme Court to rule against the Aquino family.[xix] They also would not teach about the alleged bribery of senators by the Aquino administration, to ensure Corona’s conviction, using public funds from DAP.[xx]

Obviously, this kind of one-sided narrative hides the “whole truth” from the people, directs their anger at those painted as villains, and enables the oligarchs and the communists to go about their usual business of exploiting and destroying the country. The mantra of miseducation reads like this: “Ninoy is a hero. Cory is a saint. All their acts are good. All their enemies are evil.”

Admittedly, I too was a product of this miseducation at the Ateneo. It took me almost 20 years to come to my senses and reject this mantra. Please allow me to recall how I started my journey.

In law school, while Mr. Marcos still held the reins of power in Malacañang, I joined a cause-oriented group called Sandata, affiliated with the coalition of Bandila, that advocated socialist democracy. During the snap elections of 1986, I volunteered for Namfrel, and got assigned to a community near the international airport in Pasay City.

On February 22th, while attending a mass with Namfrel, a radio playing just outside the church door, announced the breakaway of a military faction. This caught everyone by surprise and caused a minor disruption of the ongoing service. Immediately after the mass, I rushed to Camp Aguinaldo, to see things for myself. No one was there that night, except for about 20-30 people gathering at the large Santolan gate that was closed. I came back during the next two days, together with a driver as companion. We blended ourselves with the growing crowd.

On the 4th day, I decided not to go during the daytime, but instead go at night, because I noticed that the crowd usually thinned at nightfall. Later that day, the radio made another surprising announcement, that Mr. Marcos already left Malacañang. With this news, I did not go back to Edsa anymore, because there was no more reason to do so.

During the next 20 years after Edsa, I always fell back to the mantra, whenever doubts entered my mind. These doubts came early though, like when I almost voted NO to the 1987 Constitution, because I thought the bicameral congress established was a big mistake. There were other issues, like the diluted clause on territory that smelled of treason. In the end I relented, because the country needed stability, and I thought we could always change the constitution later.

Alas to my dismay, the very icon democracy, Cory Aquino, always led the crowd of pro-oligarch and pro-communist voices who would block reform. At the forefront of the blocking force was the formidable ABS-CBN of the Lopez group. Four sitting presidents (i.e. Ramos, Estrada, Arroyo, Duterte) dared to challenge them, and all attempts have failed so far.

My frustration however does not end there. The learned, whom I thought should support constitutional reform, would instead push back to retain the “status quo.” This is exactly what the oligarchs wanted, but the learned were oblivious to it. Together, they would use the powerful mass media they own, control or influence, to routinely condemn the innocent and acquit the guilty, with impunity for all to see. All their acts were good, and all their enemies were evil, and so they became merciless and unrepentant.

I guess the new version of miseducation foisted on the citizenry since 1986, has succeeded beyond measure. Sadly, the miseducation has seeped so deeply, even the children of senior officials of the Marcos administration, would try so hard to hide or deny their affiliation, and awkwardly squeeze themselves into the opposite crowd.

While I was anti-Marcos during those times, I do not think it is fair to generalize. If their parents did not take part in any plunder, kept their offices free from corruption, and steered clear of human rights violations, what is there to be ashamed of? I have learned from experience that judging people and their actions as right or wrong is never that simple. There will always be wolves in sheep’s clothing.

To be clear, I’m not suggesting a contrary mantra that the Marcoses are good, and the Aquinos are evil. What I’m saying, and do listen very carefully, is that we should junk this false stereotyping because it resulted from malicious miseducation. We should instead take all allegations cautiously, and come to a judgment based only on reasonable evidence or the lack of it. Only then can we give everyone what is due.  

For the family and close friends of the oligarchs, I understand where your sympathy lies. However, I will also ask you to understand that ordinary folks like us have families too, and we comprise the vast majority of the people. Know that we have neither the interest nor the capacity to take ownership of the large corporations of the oligarchy. We only want them to stop misusing their extra-ordinary power, to take control of government and reconfigure government policy for their vested interests.

Many say that “mass media” is the “fourth branch of government,” holding the power to convict the innocent and acquit the guilty, with seeming impunity. Thus, I say that owners of mass media should NOT have proprietary interests in other big businesses that seek government franchises or contracts (for public utilities or natural resources). This is a clear case of conflict of interest, where mass media attacks or defends the very government agencies that their corporate affiliates deal with.

For those deeply hurt by the harsh words, foul mouth, dirty jokes and aggressive posture of Mr. Duterte in dealing with his perceived enemies, again I understand why. However, I will also ask that your hatred of the man, should not outweigh your love for the country. Remember that Mr. Duterte is the personification of an overwhelming protest vote against the regime of President Noynoy Aquino. If the people voted for a foul-mouth candidate, it is NOT because the voters were dumb. It is because they perceived the “decent” and “rightful” candidates as wolves in sheep’s clothing, and so they rejected them.

If you want to know why you lost in 2016, stop looking at Mr. Duterte. Instead, start looking at yourselves, your allies, your groups and all the advocacies you stand for (like same-sex marriage, abortion rights, defunding of the armed forces, funding for known communist rebels [reclassified as Marcos human rights victims], church in politics, protection of oligarch business, etc.). It is not enough to simply degrade your perceived enemy, and magnify his shortcomings. You must also show that you have the better candidates who do not smell like wolves.

I will quote here the wise words of Mr. F. Sionil Jose to “Remember this: Marcos, Duterte – they are minor incidents in our history, but the oligarchic families will be with us much longer and will most likely be replaced by heirs who will continue to exploit our country and our people. The struggle to create a just and sovereign nation transcends these politicians and their oligarch allies. The Filipino oligarchy is our entrenched enemy – not I or those like me who see and know the truth.”[xxi]

So where do we go from here? How do we address this deep-seated problem of miseducation among the People’s Power generation?

For me, I would suggest that the DepEd and CHED, in close consultation with the schools, colleges and universities, review all possible instances of miseducation and one-sided narration to arrive at the “whole truth” for presentation to the student population. Considering that some (if not many) of the administrators, professors and teachers may themselves be products of miseducation (like myself), and would hesitate (if not refuse) to participate in this exercise to learn and spread the “whole truth,” any such findings should be made freely available online via government websites and popular social media (like Facebook). This way the students themselves will have direct access, just in case their mentors in school will not go along.

I would also suggest that the national government allocate modest resources to form a truth commission to go back in time and review the important historical events that eventually led to deep divisions within our nation State. These are the events that created “dilawans,” “loyalists,” “pulahans,” and “jihadists,” who now pose formidable obstacles to national unity. To heal the mortal wounds inflicted by these events, the nation must go back in time to face the truth, sift fact from fiction, clear the innocent, condemn the guilty, and give everyone what is due.

I recall that when I first raised with our late advisor, Fr. Romeo J. Intengan, S.J., the idea of a truth commission to review important historical events, he immediately agreed, much to my surprise. He went on to explain the need to arrive at the truth and give much needed guidance for the many who were misled. I guess they knew and believed in this idea all along. I was simply a latecomer whose only contribution was to do some legal research on an old proposition.

The idea of a truth commission to review important historical events later found its way to the Agenda for National Transformation adopted in 2016 by civil society groups and a national newspaper.[xxii] Among the important historical events identified then were the Plaza Miranda bombing (that revived the communist insurgency), and the Ninoy Aquino assassination  (that divided the nation into opposing personality cults of Marcos and Aquino), and the Jabidah massacre (that sparked a Christian-Muslim conflict).

Moving forward, we must learn the value of seeking the truth, the “whole truth,” and nothing but the truth. We cannot leave our fate to those who care only for themselves, their families or their ideologies. We will have to protect our interests, not only with consistency, but more importantly with humility, because indeed the truth will hurt us when it comes.

Nonetheless, we should not be dismayed by the formidable task ahead. Know that we who seek the “whole truth” comprise the vast majority of the country, and we have a clear view of the direction we have to take.

Maraming salamat po.

 

Atty. Dindo B. Donato, General Counsel

Tanggulang Demokrasya (Tan Dem), Inc.

14 July 2020. Makati City, Philippines.

 

Disclaimer: The views and opinions expressed in this material are those of the author and do not necessarily reflect the official policy or position of TanDem.

 



[i] For this essay, I refer to the high school and college students, graduates, new hires and young adults during the People’s Power revolution of 1986, and all the younger generations that came after that until today.

[ii] Here are some assertions of Constantino that I disagree with:

              1)       That we should pursue the Filipino First policy to protect the business interests of Filipino businessmen; this statement wrongly assumes that the profits earned by Filipino businessmen from out of a captive Filipino market, that is artificially protected from foreign competition even from legitimate players, will “trickle down” to the Filipino workers and consumers; on the contrary, economic experience shows that enterprise owners on one hand, naturally have conflicting interests with enterprise employees and customers on the other hand; see Theory of the Firm: Managerial behavior, agency costs and ownership structure, by Jensen and Meckling (1976), https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/0304405X7690026X; Law of Supply and Demand, by Chappelow (2019), https://www.investopedia.com/terms/l/law-of-supply-demand.asp; today, the biggest dollar earners of the country are the OFWs (overseas Filipino workers) who work for foreign employers overseas, and the BPOs (business process outsourcing) that are generally owned by foreign investors; unfortunately, we also have the highest power cost, slowest internet, unpredictable water supply, untapped mineral and energy resources, and highly politicized mass media, all them majority or wholly owned by Filipino businessmen, granted artificial protection against legitimate foreign competition, by no less than the Constitution; in reality, the Filipino First policy is nothing but a Businessmen First policy;

             2)       That the American educational system was deliberately designed to produce generations of little brown Americans, “trained as citizens of an American colony,” to impede their pursuit of independence; on the contrary, the entire commonwealth exercise was geared towards independence; knowing their strong sense of individual independence, I cannot accept the notion that America wants to be the parent of a fully grown child who cannot fend for himself and instead rely on daddy and mommy for free meals every day; the mindset of a typical American parent would kick out this irresponsible child out of the house; at worst, the American educational system was a pragmatic means of pacification by a colonizer, to purposely re-channel the energies of Filipinos from violent “armed struggle” to non-violent “political struggle” for independence; anything else that resulted from this undertaking was more likely unintended or unplanned; that the Americans exhibited superiority, while the Filipinos behaved with inferiority, is a given, because the former were the conquerors and the latter the conquered; however, for Filipinos to accept this inferiority “as if” it were an inherent part of their humanity, would be stupidity of their own making; remember that America itself was formed by people from the colonies or territories of the United Kingdom and Spain;

             3)       That the American educational system purposely crafted a backward agricultural future for the Philippines, devoid of any vision for modern industrialization; if that were truly the case, then the Americans should not have introduced engineering and science courses, that were otherwise useless for agriculture and useful only for industry; if the only picture that American teachers could present was of a rural Philippines, showing a sturdy carabao, smiling farmer and pretty lass, I surmise it was simply because that was the economic state of the country at that time; recall that the main motivation for education was simply pacification; anything beyond that, like the future economic structure of country, was no longer their concern; the Americans would have withdrawn from the country already, and it was up to the Filipinos how to survive or thrive on our own;

             4)       That the imposition of English as a medium of instruction by the American educational system posed barriers to democracy (because the masses were left uneducated), and impeded the thinking process on a people that spoke different native languages; I would agree that the DepEd should continue to review the appropriate age or student level when English, being a foreign language, should be introduced and used as a medium of instruction; however, the failure to provide English education to the masses actually meant that the Americans should have done more, not less, to promote the democratization of education and open the gates to the vast reservoir of knowledge written in English, and too costly to translate into Tagalog or the other local languages; nonetheless, I cannot help but notice that while Constantino deplored the American imposition of English as a medium of instruction for Filipinos, he ironically wrote write his critical essay in proficient American English;

              5)       That the Philippine educational system should impose the “national language” (meaning Tagalog) on the entire country, including the non-Tagalog regions, because it was at least related to the other local languages, while English was a totally foreign language; on the contrary, if knowledge were the end goal of education, then it cannot be Tagalog (euphemistically called Filipino), but should instead be English, because the vast reservoir of knowledge we know is not in Tagalog, but rather in English; besides, Constantino appears oblivious to the fierce nationalism of the other language groups in the country; while a sizeable portion of the population has Tagalog as its native tongue, there are actually 8 major languages in the country, and more than 100 in all; more importantly, the population is comprised of 3 peoples, i.e. Christians, Muslims and Lumads, each one with its own unique history, that is not commonly shared but at many times actually came into conflict with one another; in other words, Constantino apparently presents the view of the Christian Tagalog, and while he is entitled to that, so are the rest of the people who are neither Tagalogs nor Christians; again I cannot help but notice that Constantino repeatedly refers to the people as “Filipino,” seemingly unmindful of the fact that the term is actually foreign and colonial in origin, referring to King Philip II of Spain, the first foreign colonizer of our archipelago.

[iii] An Anarchy of Families, chapter on Rent-Seeking Families and the Philippine State, Alfred W. McCoy, 1994.

Greed & Betrayal, Chapters 6, 11 & 15, Cecilio T. Arillo, 2000.

[v] Martial Law under Ferdinand Marcos. https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Martial_law_under_Ferdinand_Marcos#:~:text=At%207%3A17%20pm%20on,country%20on%20February%2024%2C%201986.

[vi] Plaza Miranda bombing. https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Plaza_Miranda_bombing

A journey of struggle and hope: The memoir of Jovito R. Salonga, January 2001, Chapter 12 Excerpt

https://www.facebook.com/notes/patricia-laurel/jovito-salonga-s-source-on-plaza-miranda-bombing/371659012888020/

 

Mad, Simply Mad, Ronald Roy, 05 March2013.

https://musingsbyroy.wordpress.com/2013/03/05/mad-simply-mad/

[vii] History of the Philippines (1965-1986).  https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/History_of_the_Philippines_(1965%E2%80%931986)#Martial_law_(1972%E2%80%931981)

[viii] Domino Theory. https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Domino_theory#:~:text=The%20primary%20evidence%20for%20the,(by%20the%20Khmer%20Rouge).

[x] Philippine Drug War. https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Philippine_Drug_War#cite_note-feb19cnn-33

[xi] Communist rebellion in the Philippines. https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Communist_rebellion_in_the_Philippines

[xii] Hello Garci scandal. https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Hello_Garci_scandal

[xiii]            Gonzalo M. Jurado, Ph.D, The Present as History: A Narration and Interpretation of Events, 31 December 2009, http://dodongakakakiko.blogspot.com/2010/01/hello-garci-and-aragoncillo-project_12.html

              Transcript of Chargé d’Affaires Joseph Mussomeli’s interview on ANC 21’s “Dateline Philippines,”with Ricky

Carandang, 08 July 2005. Previously available at the US Embassy – Manila website at http://manila.usembassy.gov/.

              Excerpt of ANC 21 interview:

              Ricky: Can you categorically tell us right now, sir, that the United States Government supports the administration of Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo? 

            CDA: I could categorically tell you that we support the rule of law. Within that context, we believe that the President is still the President, obviously. That it is within her legal rights to remove her cabinet; her Cabinet is hers to do with as she pleases, but that doesn’t mean we’re not disappointed in that. It doesn’t mean that we’re not worried; this is something that distracts from the reforms that she was committed to and we hope is still committed to. You know, I know many of the Cabinet members who have resigned now, and the ones that I know are all very decent, and good people, patriots -- people who are concerned for the welfare of the Filipino people. So, it is a worrisome thing, but it is certainly within her rights. (emphasis supplied)

              Ricky: Do you agree with the characterization of some of the President’s allies that these cabinet members who spoke this morning are “adventurous?”


              CDA: No, I couldn’t agree with that. I know some of them very well, and the ones I know, frankly, have accepted these posts as an act of patriotism and are concerned for the welfare of the people. They could make a lot more money and have a lot more prestigious roles in the private sector, but they have chosen to be in the Cabinet... (emphasis supplied)


              Ricky: …that pertain to reports, widespread speculation that the United States may have had some involvement on this. If you recall when the tapes first came out, Secretary Bunye himself said that there were reports that the Americans had something to do with it, and of course you said that you had nothing do with it.

              CDA: Right, and that was actually proven true.

[xiv] International Foundation for Electoral Systems. http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/International_Foundation_for_Electoral_Systems

See Smartmatic, IFES and the Company, by D.B.Donato (2018)

http://www.mainews.ph/features2/category/1-elections.html?download=34:smartmatic-ifes-and-the-company

[xv] Presidential Commission on Good Government. https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Presidential_Commission_on_Good_Government#:~:text=Achievements-,Recovery%20of%20ill%20gotten%20wealth,since%20its%20creation%20in%201986.

PCGG: More than P171 billion in Marcos family’s ill-gotten wealth recovered.

https://www.gmanetwork.com/news/news/nation/657707/pcgg-more-than-p171-billion-in-marcos-family-rsquo-s-ill-gotten-wealth-recovered/story/

[xvi] Not Getting Mad at But Getting Even with, Tita Cory, by Bobby M. Reyes, 07 September 2007.

http://www.mabuhayradio.com/sections/philippine-presidency/455-not-getting-mad-at-but-getting-even-with-tita-cory.html

Manila Times, 14 May 2008, Government still owns Meralco, Efren L. Danao

[xvii] Infographic: What’s DAP? FAQs about the Disbursement Acceleration Program
https://www.gmanetwork.com/news/news/specialreports/372936/infographic-what-s-dap-faqs-about-the-disbursement-acceleration-program/story/

Timeline: The rise and fall of DAP
https://www.rappler.com/newsbreak/62024-timeline-rise-fall-disbursement-acceleration-program

Araullo v. Aquino, G.R. No. 209287, 01 July 2014. http://elibrary.judiciary.gov.ph/thebookshelf/showdocs/1/57044

[xviii] Maria Lourdes Sereno
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Maria_Lourdes_Sereno#:~:text=Removal%20from%20office,-Main%20article%3A%20Quo&text=Deciding%20on%20the%20quo%20warranto,a%20vote%20of%208%E2%80%936.

[xix] Corona: This is all about Hacienda Luisita
https://newsinfo.inquirer.net/127711/corona-this-is-all-about-hacienda-luisita

[xx] Impeachment of Renato Corona
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Impeachment_of_Renato_Corona#:~:text=The%20Supreme%20Court%20building%2C%20with,for%20Chief%20Justice%20Renato%20Corona.&text=Renato%20Corona%2C%20the%2023rd%20Chief,impeached%20on%20December%2012%2C%202011.&text=The%20Senate%2C%20convened%20as%20an,trial%20on%20January%2016%2C%202012.

Infographic: What’s DAP? FAQs about the Disbursement Acceleration Program
https://www.gmanetwork.com/news/news/specialreports/372936/infographic-what-s-dap-faqs-about-the-disbursement-acceleration-program/story/

Timeline: The rise and fall of DAP
https://www.rappler.com/newsbreak/62024-timeline-rise-fall-disbursement-acceleration-program

[xxi] The oligarchy and ABS-CBN: Don’t give them your ‘balls’, by F. Sionil Jose (2020).

https://www.philstar.com/opinion/2020/05/18/2014744/oligarchy-and-abs-cbn-dont-give-them-your-balls

[xxii] Agenda for National Transformation, Social Reform: Truth Commission, Tanggulang Demokrasya (Tan Dem), Inc., Global Filipino Nation (GFN), The Manila Times, 18 January 2016.

https://www.manilatimes.net/2019/12/04/opinion/letters-to-the-editor/agenda-for-national-transformation-2/661309/