Puno't Dulo ng Political Instability

Mga kababayan,

Marami ang nagsasabi na ang puno’t dulo ng ating political instability ay ang Garci tape. Ayoko na sanang patulan ito pero tila hindi na maiiwasang harapin ang issue dahil ayaw talaga tumigil ang iilan sa pagtangkang gamitin at udyukin ang People’s Power laban sa GMA administration.

Bilang kasapi ng EDSA 1 at EDSA 2, maliwanag sa akin na hindi Garci tape ang totoong dahilan ng ating political instability. Ang tunay na puno’t dulo nito ay ang kasakiman ng iilan na ayaw magpa-awat sa pag-agaw ng kapangyarihan. Hindi mawawala ang problemang ito, habang hindi maibsan ang maitim nilang balakin, kahit sino pa man ang naka-upo sa Malacanang.

Maliwanag din sa akin kung bakit hindi puedeng gamitin ang Garci tape para maglunsad ng People’s Power laban sa GMA administration.

(1) Ang Garci tape ay dubious evidence. Hindi alam ng bayan kung ito’y edited, spliced, tampered o clean recording. Hindi rin alam kung ito’y 3 hours o 30 hours.

(2) Ang Garci tape ay unauthenticated evidence. Hindi natin alam kung sino ang nag-record at kung bakit ni-record ito. Si Vidal Doble ba ng ISAFP? Ping Lacson na dating PACC? Samuel Ong ng NBI? Leandro Aragoncillo ng FBI? Mga di kilalang sleeper agents ng CIA? O iba pang alipores ng intelligence community?

(3) Kahina-hinala ang timing ng pag-release ng Garci tape sa media. Bakit hindi ito nilabas noong buhay pa si FPJ, ang tanging kandidato na may karapatang usigin si GMA sa electoral protest?

(4) Walang pinag-uusapan na pandaraya sa Garci tape, maliban sa isang portion na may compressed sound waves, na pinag-pipilitan ng ilang politico na “dagdag” daw ang sinabi, at hindi “Binalbagan” na isang munisipyo sa Negros Occidental.

(5) Tapos na ang botohan at mukhang tapos na rin ang bilangan noong nagkaroon ng pag-uusap. Siguro hindi lang ako marunong sa mechanics ng pandaraya pero paano nga ba baguhin ang resulta noong may bilang na ang NAMFREL at kampo ni FPJ?

Sino-sino ba ang nagsasabing ang Garci tape nga ang puno’t dulo ng ating political instability? Ayon sa nakikita ko, marami sa kanila ay ang mga:

(1) Bobo.- Sila yung mga walang utak.

(2) Tanga.- Sila yung may mga utak pero hindi ginagamit.

(3) Tuso.- Sila yung may maitim na balak sa ating gobyerno at bayan. Maliwanag sa kanila na ang Garci tape ay walang saysay. Pero hindi mahalaga sa kanila yun. Ang mahalaga lang sa kanila ay ang propaganda value nito.

(4) Corrupt.- Sila yung mga nagtangkang pagkaperahan ang ating gobyerno sa pamamagitan ng overpriced contracts, pero naudlot ang mga plano nila dahil natalo sa pubic bidding o negotiated contract ng kapwa nilang corrupt, na balitang may kapit daw kay First Gentleman. Kaya heto sila ngayon at gustong gumanti. Kung sana’y hinabla na lang nila si First Gentleman, para kung mapatunayan ngang siya’y kasangkot dito, siya’y mahusgahan at maparusahan. Hindi yung puro haka-haka at propaganda lamang.

(5) Mandaraya.- Sila yung may personality disorder na tinatawag na projection. Hindi nila kayang tanggapin na sila mismo ang mandaraya. Kaya kailangan nilang ibaling ang katotohanan sa ibang tao para makalimutan nila ito. Kawawang GMA at siya ang pinapaboritong pagpiyestahan ng mga baliw.

(6) Oportunista.- Sila yung mga walang paninidigan. Dahil sa buong akala nila ay babagsak na ang GMA administration, bigla silang nananawagan ng resign. Nabisto tuloy ang kanilang kawalanghiyaan.

(7) Mayabang. Sila yung mga taong ayaw magpa-awat sa pagpuri sa sarili. Para sa kanila walang karapat-dapat kundi sila lamang. Wala na akong masasabi pa tungkol sa kanila.

Meron ding iba na sa simula’t sapol ay talagang ayaw na kay GMA. Ayoko nang unawain kung bakit basta tinatanggap ko na lang bilang respeto sa kanilang political beliefs. Pero maging sila mismo ay nag-aalinlangan kung sino at ano ang ipapalit kay GMA, kung sakaling magtagumpay nga ang mga gahaman. Kaya’t hindi ko sila nakikitang pumoporma sa media, at hindi rin sila sumasama sa rally.

Kaya nanghihinayang at naiinis ako tuwing maririnig ko sa TV si Fidel Ramos at Renato De Villa na magmamalinis at nananawagan ng resign. Common sense lang mga kababayan. Di ba mas madaling mandaya kung lahat ng guwardiya ay kakampi mo, kaysa kung kalahati ng guwardiya ay kalaban mo? Noong 1992 solid ang militar kay Ramos dahil siya’y militar din. Pero noong 2004 hati ang militar kay GMA at FPJ dahil malakas pa rin ang political machinery ni Erap na siyang nagpatakbo kay FPJ. Sino ngayon ang mas dapat usisahin sa pandaraya? Yung militar ng 2004 o yung militar ng 1992?

Halos dalawang (2) taon na ang nakalipas mula noong presidential election ng 2004, pero hanggang ngayon wala pa ring naghabla ng pandaraya laban kay Commissioner Garcillano at iba pang mga military general sangkot daw sa Garci tape. Maliwanag na hindi puedeng ihabla si GMA ngayon dahil sa kanyang constitutional immunity from suit. Pero maliwanag din na si Garcillano at ang iba pang mga military general ay wala nito. Millones na ang ginastos para sa walang tigil na propaganda sa TV, radyo at dyaryo, walang tigil na rally, at walang tigil na tangkang coup de etat. Bakit hindi na lang nila ilahad ang pinagmamalaking ebidensiya sa paglilitis? Sa ganung paraan, kapag napatunayan nila na may pandaraya nga noon 2004, bahala na ang taong bayan kung anong gawin kay GMA, kahit pa man may immunity siya. Pero wala yata sa kanila ang interesadong maghabla? Dahil ba wala silang tiwala sa husgado o dahil wala silang ebidensiya?

Kayo na ang maspasya mga kababayan. Ano ba talaga ang puno’t dulo ng ating political instability? Ang Garci tape o ang kasakiman ng iilan?

Sumasainyo,

Dodong aka Ka Kiko

Makati City

25 March 2006

Appeal to Partido Reporma

Renato De Villa

Chairman

Partido ng Demokratikong Reporma

Metro Manila, Philippines

Dear Sir:

Re: Appeal to the Reporma Party to Reconsider its Anti-Administration Stance

I am a former volunteer lawyer of (your) Partido ng Demokratikong Reporma (Reporma), who served during your 1998 presidential campaign. I worked under your former Chief Legal Officer Rene Puno whom I met when I signed up with your party. While I have lost contact with the Reporma officers and staff after the 1998 elections, I continued to monitor and seek guidance from the party’s stance on issues of national interest, especially during the days leading to the EDSA2 People’s Power revolution.

The past few weeks have (been filled with) much anxiety because of a growing political crisis that now threatens to destroy the political, social and economic reforms achieved since the EDSA1 People’s Power revolution. The forces of the legal opposition, the communist front organizations, the rebel military (groups), and the self-righteous (personalities) of the administration, now appear to have forged a tactical alliance to force the early ouster of the incumbent President Glora Macapagal Arroyo (GMA), who has been voted into office for barely a year.

(This) convergence of divergent forces antagonistic to the (broad coalition of) middle forces (comprised of the middle class, the civil society, business, moderate labor, the majority of the military and police forces) is nothing new. What is new and disturbing is the apparent slide of known pillars of the middle forces into the broad alliance of anti-administration forces. I (refer to no other than) the slide and realignment of the Reporma party.

(As your former volunteer lawyer), I find it very disheartening to see and hear the Reporma party, join the loud calls for the abrupt resignation of GMA, simply because she admitted to have telephoned a Comelec official during the elections.

Has Reporma convicted GMA of cheating on the sole basis of her wiretapped conversation? Does Reporma consider the wire-tapped conversation as conclusive evidence of electoral fraud on the part of the military and police forces? Does Reporma have other evidence of cheating that it has not yet shown to the public? Am I supposed to believe that the members of the legal opposition, and the self-righteous (personalities) of the administration, are “whiter than brand new briefs?” Do the members of the legal opposition, and the self-righteous (personalities) of the administration, have the moral right to throw the first stone? Is this the People’s Power way (of running) government, that we make the tenure of elected public officials, dependent upon the intensity of political attacks and the gravity of allegations of wrongdoing?

(C)onsidering that there is now a dark cloud of doubt as to who actually won the 2004 elections, then let there be a recount before an independent electoral commission. Considering that there are now allegations of electoral fraud by GMA, the military, the police and Comelec officials, then let there be an investigation by an independent truth commission. Considering that the election process is the cornerstone of a democracy that holds all the people together regardless of political affiliation, then let the investigation cover all parties, not only the administration but also the opposition.

If and when it is determined that GMA lost, that GMA cheated, and that GMA misused the military and police forces for electoral fraud, then that would be the time that we should all ask for her abrupt and humiliating resignation.

Meanwhile, where no trial has been commenced, no evidence presented, and no judgment rendered, then it is only fair and just for all of us to withhold (any) judgment (of wrongdoing on) GMA. I’m definitely not saying that we defend GMA at all costs. All I’m saying is that we give GMA a fair and reasonable chance to be heard. Did not the Filipino people give former President Estrada a fair and reasonable to be heard by going through the impeachment process? Why should we now deny GMA the same chance to be heard perhaps through another impeachment process, or perhaps through a recount process before an independent electoral commission, or perhaps through a fact-finding investigation before an independent truth commission?

Recalling the presidential elections of 1998, I take honor in saying that I volunteered my legal services for Reporma, immediately after your candidacy was junked by FVR and Cory. To the political pundits, that was obviously a senseless act (of swimming against the tide). I did so nonetheless because I thought (that) was the right thing to do. A few years later, during the EDSA2 People’s Power revolution, I was proven right in my choice of presidential candidate.

Today, I again have to (swim) against the (rising) tide of mob rule, black propaganda (and) intense politicking, by divergent political forces who are bound by their common desire to grab power. In my own non-scientific assessment, I believe that many among the silent majority share my stand. (This) explains why the weekly “ouster” and “resignation” rallies have so far failed to attract the critical mass required to bring down the administration.

(It) is (now) time for the political leaders to start listening to the people, and for the people to stop listening to (their) political leaders.

(In) this light, I appeal to the Reporma party, to rethink and reconsider its anti-administration stance, for whatever this appeal may be worth.

Sincerely,
Atty. Dindo B. Donato

Makati City

09 July 2005

Interference, Intolerance and Negative Bias

From: Demosthenes B. Donato <dbdonato@deszr.com>
To: <rasheed@arabnews.com>
Sent: Friday, September 10, 2004 10:58 AM
Subject: (Comments on “Bayanihan Fund”)

Greetings Mr. Abou-Alsamh,

As a concerned citizen of the Philippines, I feel obligated to respond to your negative views on the Philippine government administration. Considering that the subject of your article is socio-political in nature, my response to you will depend on your socio-political affiliation. Considering further that I do not know your socio-political affiliation (i.e. nationality or social group or religion), I will provide separate alternative responses.

Firstly, if you are not a Filipino, then with due respect Mr. Abou-Alsamh, your comment is an unwarranted intrusion into our socio-political lives. Good government or the lack of it is a problem of the Filipinos. (Accordingly), only the Filipinos should address it (without involving) any outsider. (Rather than interfere with our internal affairs, you should instead) just comment on the problems of your own nationality or society or religion.

For example, if you (are actually) an Arab Muslim, considering that the domain name of your e-mail address uses the term “arabnews,” then it's best for you to just comment on the most pressing problem that concerns the Arab Muslims. This problem is that of “religious intolerance” practiced by no less than the leading Arab Muslim nation Saudi Arabia. As a Christian Catholic, I find it depressing and almost unbelievable that until (today), there (exists) a country like Saudi Arabia that makes it a criminal offense for a person to preach his (chosen) religion … within (its) territorial jurisdiction (if it were not Islam). This is a most serious human (rights) problem that threatens peace and security not only in West Asia (or the Middle East) but the entire world. (State sanctioned “religious intolerance” creates the perfect breeding ground for “religious extremism.”) If instead of criticizing the socio-political situation in the Philippines, you spend your time and effort solving the grave social problem of religious intolerance (in your own homeland), then your time and effort will be most wisely spent and most gracefully appreciated not only by the Filipinos but by (all the people of the world).

Secondly, if you (are actually) a Filipino, (then) regardless of your religious affiliation, it's time for you to stop complaining about the (problem) and start doing something about it. (Before anything else however, you must first) shed off your negative bias about anything and everything that (the) government does. (This change in perspective is necessary so that you can) see a clearer picture of the real socio-political situation.

You see Mr. Abou-Alsamh, you need to have a little more faith so that we can all move forward. Let's stop all (these) finger pointing and (endless) blaming (as what irresponsible) politicians and media practitioners (do best). All these negative chatter only serve to aggravate the problem rather than contribute to the solution...

Sincerely,
Dindo Donato
Makati City

Sensationalism in Media

From: DINDO B. DONATO <dbdonato@info.com.ph>
To: <feedback@inquirer.com.ph>
Sent: Sunday, January 20, 2002 10:32 PM
Subject: Sensationalism in Media

For: Publisher & Editors of PDI...

During the Cory years, I recognized the emergence of Inquirer as a hybrid form of print. It had the physical size of a national newspaper of general circulation, but its headlines and articles were fit for a tabloid. So in my mind I named the Inquirer as the “oversized taboid.” Kulang na lang mga bomba pictures sa frontpage at centerfold.

During the early FVR years, the sensationalism and intrigues continued. However, after the international media started calling the Philippines a “Tiger Cub,” it seemed that the local media (including the Inquirer) was shamed into rethinking its pointless albeit profitable finger-pointing. Until today I could not understand why the local media (including the Inquirer) had to take its cue from the international media when it comes to positive news about its own country.

Now in the early GMA years, it seems that the Inquirer is back to its brisk business of selling sensational and intriguing stories about the fate of its own hopeless nation.

By this short and simple e-mail, I do not dream of changing the mindset of Inquirer overnight. I expect that Inquirer will continue with its money-making ways of publishing sensational and intriguing headlines and articles, even at the expense of social order and national development. In due time however, I hope that the bulk of your limited middle class readers will learn to read between your lines, or that some responsible members of the Inquirer organization will have the courage to say (NO) to sensationalism, or that both will happen.

Sincerely,
Dindo Donato
Makati City

Comments on "Puroy on our Mind"

From: DINDO B. DONATO <dbdonato@info.com.ph>

To: <frvillote@edsamail.com.ph>

Cc: mailto:deszrlaw@info.com.ph%3ESent:

Saturday, December 01, 2001 2:33 AM

Subject: (Comments on “Puroy on Our Mind”)

Dear Fr. Villote:

I wish to comment on the (reflections) of one EG of London contained in your article (entitled) “Puroy on Our Mind” (and) published (in) the 27 May 2001 issue of the Sunday Inquirer Magazine. I do not know EG, and certainly I do not intend to engage him in endless and fruitless debate. I believe however that his reflections are not only disturbing, they are also subtly (disorienting). Therefore, I feel I have to make known my own comments, if only to (counter the frustration and confusion that results from) EG's reflections. My comments (in Tagalog address the vernacular reflections of EG) as follows:

1. Sa palagay ko merong malalim na pagkakamali sa pakiramdam ni EG ng “panghihinayang” sa Masa Revolt ng 1 May 2001 sa dahilan (raw) na walang mga lider “progresibo” ang grupo ni Puroy. Para sa akin, hindi mahalaga kung ang mga lider nila Puroy ay mga “rightist” o mga “progresibo” kuno. Kung ang (balakin) lang din ng mga (lider na ito) ay pag-awayin ang mahirap laban sa mayaman, maling-mali na kaagad ang batayan at layunin ng kanilang kilusan.

2. Dito pa lang sa “panghihinayang” ni EG ay (nababahala) na ako. (Pakiramdam) ko, marxista si EG sa (isip) at damdamin. Tungkol naman sa marxismo, ito ang (nais) kong sabihin:

“Marxism is a false ideology of (greed and) violence, that calls for all the poor to (rob and) kill all the rich, so that there will arise a classless society where there is material equality, because then nobody will be rich and everybody will be poor. It is not really an ideology of love for the poor. (It) is merely an ideology of hatred against the rich. That is all there is to Marxism, nothing more.”

3. Lalo pa akong nababahala sa (pananaw) ni EG kung sino at ano si Puroy. Sabi ni EG:

“Sa kumplikadong mundo ni Puroy, mahirap sabihin kung sino ang mali o tama, kung alin ang masama o mabuti... Wala kang paniniwalaan kung sino ang tama o mali. Basta't gawin mo ang kailangan mong gawin, huwag ka lang pahuli. Ganyan ang lohika ng buhay nila. Huwag nating hanapin sa kanila, gaya ng ginawa ni Joel, ang lohika ng ating 'moralidad' – ang moralidad ng mga may matuwid na buhay... Kung ikaw si Puroy, masasabi mo bang masamang mambato ng pulis, mang-agaw ng batuta, lumusob sa Malakanyang? Masasabi mo bang masama ang manakot ng reporter o magsunog ng sasakyang media na walang ginawa kundi ulit-ulitin ang insultong binabato sa tulad niyang mahirap?”

4. Agad nakikita sa salita at (isip) ni EG na napakababa ng tingin niya kay Puroy. Nawala na ang pagkatao ni Puroy dahil hindi na (raw) siya marunong kumilala ng tama o mali. Ganun lang ba ka-simple yun? Dahil lumaki si Puroy sa (iskwater), wala na (raw) siyang (kakayahang) kumilala ng tama o mali? Bakit merong iba dyan, lumaki nga na “middle class” o mayaman, pero hindi rin marunong kumilala ng tama o mali?

5. Para sa akin, nasa kalooban ng tao ang pagkilala (ng) tama o mali. Totoo na may “negative influence” ang “negative environment.” Pero hindi totoo na dahil lumaki ang tao sa “negative environment” ay tiyak wala na siyang pag-asa na kumilala ng tama o mali. Nasa tao pa rin ang huling pasya kung ano ang (nais) niyang gawin sa buhay niya. Kaya lalo (lang) akong naguluhan sa “matinding pakiusap” ni EG na sana “huwag nyong ikaila ang pagkatao (ni Puroy).” Meron yatang “inconsistency” dito. Sa pagkaintindi ko, si EG mismo ang hindi kumikilala sa pagkatao ni Puroy.

6. Hindi rin ako sang-ayon sa “comparison” ni EG kay Erap at sa nanay (na puta) ni Puroy. (Yung) nanay ni Puroy ay (nagpakahirap) para kay Puroy. Pero si Erap, noong naging Presidente siya ng bayan, (nagpakahirap) by siya para sa mga tulad ni Puroy?

7. Marami sa ating (mga) kababayan na “middle class” at mayaman, ang nagulat sa tindi at lalim ng mga hinanakit ng masa noong naganap na Masa Revolt. Pero (ako), (namulat na) noong 1998 “presidential elections” pa (lamang). Isa akong “volunteer lawyer” noon ng Partido Reporma ni De Villa. Nag “volunteer” ako (matapos nai-junk) siya ni FVR, at iniwan ni Cory. Napakalungkot at napakahirap ng kampanya (namin). Araw-araw kong sinusunduan sa “tri-media” and tindi ng batikos ng mga Presidential candidates laban kay Erap. Pero nung lumabas ang resulta, maliwanag na walang (epekto) ang mga (ito). Para sa akin, maliwanag din kung ano ang nangyari. Ayaw na ayaw nang (pakinggan ng masa ang) mga pangaral ng “middle class” at mayaman sa “tri-media.” Sawang-sawa na sila sa pambobola atbp. (Nung sapilitan) kong intindihin kung bakit ayaw nang makinig ang masa sa “middle class” at mayaman, iisa lang ang naging (kasagutan). Bakit, kailan ba nakinig (ang) “middle class” at mayaman sa masa?

8. (Sa) karanasan ng ating bayan, (merong) dalawang malalim na dahilan kung bakit (ang) masa ay (nananatiling) mahirap sa mga dekadang nakalipas. Ang una ay (sa dahilan na) ang “middle class” at mayaman ay “indifferent” o walang paki-alam sa (kapakanan) masa. Ang pangalawa ay (sa dahilan na) ang masa mismo ay (“indifferent” o walang paki-alam sa pag-asang) pagbabago.

9. Yung unang dahilan ay nakikita sa kawalan ng malawakang “involvement” ng “middle class”

at mayaman sa kapakanan ng masa. Madalas kanya-kanya ang pag-asenso at pag-unlad sa buhay. Kaya kung ikaw ay masa na walang (pambayad sa gastusing pang-edukasyon), malamang maiiwan ka sa patuloy na pag-asenso at pag-unlad ng “middle class” at mayaman...

10. Yung pangalawang dahilan ay madaling makita sa (tuwing eleksyon). Hindi lang ito sa “national elections” tulad ng 1998 “Presidential elections.” (Marami ring) mga “local elections,” na kahit wala namang nagawa yung (naka-upo), nananalo pa rin. Para bagang (matagal nang sumuko) ang masa. Wala rin daw namang mangyayari (sa) kahit sino pa ang naka-upo. Kaya (wala ring) panghihinayang sa pagbebenta ng boto.

In sum, our (deeply entrenched) social problems, will have to be addressed by all (the people) thinking, speaking and acting as (one). The key is multi-class cooperation, and not inter-class conflict.

Sincerely,
Dindo Donato

Makati City

Comments on "Misuari's Failure"

From: DINDO B. DONATO <dbdonato@info.com.ph>
To: <rdavid@pacific.net.ph>
Sent: Monday, November 26, 2001 1:01 AM
Subject: (Comments on “Misuari's Failure”)

Dear Mr. David...

My comments are as follows:

1. I do not believe that the 1996 Peace Agreement can already be deemed a failure at this time. On the contrary, I believe it has … been successful … (on) the aspect that counts the most, that is the aspect of “national security.” (For) as long as the overwhelming majority of the Muslim MNLF integrees remain with the Christian dominated AFP, the 1996 Peace Agreement can … rightfully and legitimately be considered a success. (The continuing good) working relationship between the MNLF integrees and the rest of the AFP, is the best living proof that Muslim Filipinos can live peacefully with Christian Filipinos.

2. For lack of personal knowledge, I (cannot) comment on the serious allegation of (Nur) Misuari that (Norberto) Gonzales of Malacanang purportedly participated in the supposed conspiracy to force him out of power. I can say however that if indeed the overwhelming majority of the MNLF leaders and members truly want (Nur) Misuari out as their leader, Malacanang has no choice but to deal with the new collective leadership, in the interest of national security, political stability and long-term socio-economic growth. At the end of the day, we must remember that Mindanao does not belong to (Nur) Misuari alone, but rather Mindanao belongs to all its people. If the times require that the “old man” of the MNLF must now give way to the new collective leadership, (if) only to facilitate better government-MNLF cooperation, then so be it.

3. Again for lack of personal knowledge, I (cannot) comment on the purported failure of (Nur) Misuari to deliver socio-economic projects, as well as his alleged malversation of government funds. I would rather have the records speak for themselves. In this regard, I await the publication of more detailed government audit reports on the performance and integrity of (Nur) Misuari on the matter of socio-economic projects and government funds.

4. With respect however to the matters of political leadership and statesmanship, I (agree) that (Nur) Misuari indeed failed when he rallied his loyal followers to take up arms against the government, using the age-old anti-Christian propaganda lines and slogans, (and) apparently hiding his real motive of personal vengeance against the government who sided with his adversaries from within the MNLF. Perhaps (Nur) Misuari was deeply hurt and embarrassed by the turn of events within the MNLF organization. Nonetheless, no one can deny that such personal pain will have to give way to the greater interest of peace. We cannot plunge into another war simply because (Nur) Misuari feels the need to uphold his personal pride and regain his political power. (We) must remember that in a country with a functioning democratic government, such as our country, there is no legitimate justification whatsoever for armed rebellion (except perhaps in the face of widespread human rights violations and as a matter of self defense). We (need) to realize that armed rebellion is by itself a major cause of poverty. Armed rebellion must end in order for real socio-economic progress to begin. (Incidentally, this comment also applies to the other rebel groups, i.e. NPA and MILF.)

5. Regarding the ARMM experiment, I (believe) that (this) concept (of having) another level of local government vested with both executive and legislative powers for the governance of the Muslim community, is most unwise and imprudent.

Firstly, the ARMM name itself that suggests exclusive application to the Muslim community (impliedly excluding the Christian and tribal communities of Mindanao), already serves to divide further the people (concerned). The Christians and Muslims of Mindanao already know that their deep animosities against each other have divided them for centuries. There is no point to be served in dividing them further by establishing this ARMM for the Muslim areas, and maintaining another structure of regional government for the Christian and tribal areas. In the interest of long-term peace and co-existence, what we need to do is to discard all these structures which … discriminate and segregate, and instead focus on uniform structures and common socio-cultural practices (which equalize and integrate). This way, we can (promote) the development of a sense of unity and commonality among all the people involved.

Secondly, the vesting of legislative power in the ARMM laws the groundwork for (complicating) the legal system (governing) the (territory) covered. In (this) age (of) globalization, governments all over the world need to streamline their bureaucracies and simplify their legal processes in order to attract (and encourage) private sector (economic) activities. With the ARMM legislature, we are doing exactly the opposite. As we (now) see, compliance with the requirements of the (existing) national laws already burdens the private sector. We can just imagine the negative impact on economic activities if private sector has to contend with another set of regional laws, in addition to the national laws.

Thirdly, the establishment of the ARMM as a local government unit, requiring the conduct of a referendum to ascertain voter consent to its coverage, puts too much political uncertainty to the formation of a regional government body. As we now know, when voter sentiment was ascertained, only the Muslim areas voted in the affirmative, while all the Christian and tribal areas voted in the negative. Here again we have another instance of further division. Is this the formula for long-term peace and co-existence?

6. Based on my legal experience as the former general-counsel of the JPDC (John Hay Poro Point Development Corporation), the implementing arm of the BCDA (Bases Conversion Development Authority), taken together with research work done on existing regional initiatives, specifically the Davao Integrated Development Plan (covering all the cities and provinces [of] the Davao region), I believe there is a cost-effective alternative to the ARMM (that) may benefit not only the Muslim areas but also all the other Christian and tribal (community) areas in Mindanao.

The (proposed) alternative structure … is basically (patterned after) the (existing) BCDA/SBMA structure, minus the (scheme for) tax and duty free incentives. Under this alternative structure, there is no regional legislature, but only a regional executive. Accordingly, policy formulation will be a national function, while policy implementation will be a regional function. This combines the benefits of a uniform (regional) legal system on the one hand, and (a) strong regionalized hands-on (executive) on the other hand.

The cost for the establishment of the alternative government structure will be minimal because no new level of bureaucracy is created. The existing regional offices of the national executive line departments will merely be spinned-off to create the new regional administrative authority.

Considering that government experience in administering area-based development agencies have been limited to smaller areas (such as the municipalities or parts of municipalities covered by the BCDA), the prudent way to go would be to limit the size of a given region to that which is relatively smaller and therefore more manageable. The Davao region or the Socsargen region would be good examples of what would be a relatively smaller region, compared to the (larger) area comprised of the entire Western Mindanao (under) the SPCPD which formed part of the ARMM experiment.

(Incidentally, this alternative structure may also apply to all the other existing administrative regions in Luzon and the Visayas)...

Sincerely,
Dindo Donato
Makati City